Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  [17] Polydamas, relieved from so great fear, promised his help even more earnestly than was demanded of him and after being highly commended and loaded with promises, he put off the dress which he was is wearing and put on an Arab costume. Two Arabs, whose wives and children were meanwhile as a pledge of loyalty held as hostages with the king, were given him as companions. They arrived at the designated place on the eleventh day, traversing on camels places which were even made desert by [19] dryness. And before his arrival could be reported, Polydamas again assumed Macedonian dress and went to the tent of Cleander — he was one of the [20] king’s generals — in the fourth watch. Then, having delivered the letter, they decided to go together to Parmenion at daybreak. And now Polydamas had delivered the king’s letters to the others as well, and already they were on the point of going to Parmenion, when it was announced to him that Polydamas [21] had come. He, rejoicing in the arrival of his friend, and at the same time being eager to have news of what the king was doing — for he had received no letter from him for a long time — ordered that Polydamas be looked for.

  [22] The residences in that region have extensive, charming, and secluded parks with groves artificially planted; these were the special delight of both kings [23] and satraps. Parmenion was walking about in a grove, surrounded by his officers, who had been ordered by the king’s letters to kill him. And they had arranged to do the deed at the time when Parmenion had begun to read the letters delivered by Polydamas.

  [24] As Polydamas came near and was seen by Parmenion to have an expression presenting the appearance of joy, he ran to embrace him, and after they had exchanged greetings, Polydamas handed him the letter [25] written to him by the king. Parmenion, as he loosed the fastening “of the letter, asked what the king was doing. Polydamas replied that he would learn from [26] the letter itself. Parmenion, after reading the letter, said: “The king is preparing an expedition against the Arachosii. An active man, who never rests! But it is time for him to show consideration for his own welfare, after having already gained so much glory.”

  [27] Afterwards he was reading the second letter, written in the name of Philotas, with pleasure, as could be seen from his expression; then Cleander plunged his sword into his side and struck him again in the throat, and the others stabbed him even after he was lifeless.

  [29] And the guards, who were posted at the entrance of the grove, on learning of the murder, the cause of which was unknown to them, came into the camp and aroused the soldiers with the alarming message.

  [29] They armed themselves and went in a body to the grove in which the murder had been committed, threatening that unless Polydamas and the rest who had shared in the same outrage were delivered to them, they would throw down the wall surrounding the grove and offer expiation for the death of their [30] leader with the blood of all. Cleander ordered their leaders to be admitted, and read to the soldiers the letters which the king had written, in which were contained an account of the plots of Parmenion against the king and Alexander’s prayers that they [31] should avenge him. Accordingly, when the wish of the king was known, the mutiny of the troops was checked, but nevertheless not their indignation.

  When many of them had slipped away, a few remained, who prayed that at least they might be [32] permitted by them to bury the body. This was for a long time refused through Cleander’s fear that he might thus offend the king. Then, when they besought more persistently, thinking that occasion for disturbance ought to be removed, Oleander cut off the head and allowed them to bury the body; the head was sent to the king.

  [33] Such was the end of Parmenion, a man illustrious in war and in peace. He had achieved many successes without the king, the king had done no great deed without him. He satisfied a king who was most fortunate and who required that all things should match the greatness of his good fortune. At the age of seventy he fulfilled the duties of a leader in the prime of life and often even those of a common soldier; keen in counsel, vigorous in action, he was dear to the leading men and still more so to the common soldiers.

  [34] Whether these qualities drove him to a desire for royal power, or merely made him suspected of such a design, may be doubted; for it was uncertain, even when the affair was recent and could more easily be made clear, whether Philotas, overcome by the violence of his tortures, told the truth about matters which could not be proved, or by a false confession sought an end to his torments.

  [35] Alexander, thinking that those who, as he had learned, had freely deplored the death of Parmenion ought to be separated from the rest of the army, put them apart in one cohort and gave them as their leader Leonidas, who had himself formerly [36] been an intimate friend of Parmenion. These were about the same as those whom he had for other reasons disliked. For once, when he wished to sound the feelings of the soldiers, he told any who had written letters to their people in Macedonia to hand them to the messengers whom he himself was sending, who would faithfully deliver them. Each man had written frankly to his relatives what he had thought; to some military service was burdensome, to most it was not disagreeable. In this way Alexander got hold of the letters of those who had written favourably and of those who complained.

  [37] And he ordered a cohort of those who chanced in their letters to have complained of the irksome military service to encamp apart from the rest by way of disgrace, saying that he would use their bravery in war, but would remove loose talking from credulous ears. This plan, perhaps rash — for the bravest of men had been irritated by the insult — like everything else, the [38] good fortune of the king made successful. Nothing was more enthusiastic for war than those men; their valour was enhanced both from the desire of wiping out disgrace, and because brave deeds could not be concealed among a few.

  His ita conpositis Alexander Arsame Drangarum satrape constituto iter pronuntiari iubet in Arimaspos, quos iam tunc mutato nomine Euergetas appellabant, ex quo frigore victusque penuria Cyri exercitum adfectum tectis et commeatibus iuverant. [2] Quintus dies erat, ut in eam regionem pervenerat. Cognoscit Satibarzanem, qui ad Bessum defecerat, cum equitum manu inrupisse rursus in Arios. Itaque contra eum misit Caranum et Erigyium cum Artabazo et Andronico: eos vi milia Graecorum peditum, DC equites sequebantur. [3] Ipse LX diebus gentem Euergetarum ordinavit magna pecunia ob egregiam in Cyrum fidem donata. [p. 212] [4] Relicto deinde, qui iis praeesset, Amedine — scriba is Darei fuerat — Arachosios, quorum regio ad Ponticum mare pertinet, subegit. Ibi exercitus, qui sub Parmenione fuerat, occurrit. Sex milia Macednum erant et CC nobiles et v milia Graecorum cum equitibus DC, haud dubie robur omnium virium regis. [5] Arachosiis datus Menon praetor nn milibus peditum et DC equitibus in praesidium relictis. Ipse rex nationem ne finitimis quidem satis notam, [6] quippe nullo commercio colentem mutuos usus, cum exercitu intravit. Parapanisadae appellantur, agreste hominum genus et inter barbaros maxime inconditum. [7] Locorum asperitas hominum quoque ingenia duraverat. Gelidissimum septentrionis axem ex magna parte spectant, [8] Bactrianis ab occidente coniuncti sunt, meridiana regio ad mare Indicum vergit. Tuguria latere crudo struunt et, quia sterilis est terra materia in nudo etiam montis dorso, usque ad summum aedificiorum fastigium eodem laterculo utuntur. [9] Ceterum structura latior ab imo paulatim incremento operis in artius cogitur, ad ultimum in carinae maxime modum coit. [10] Ibi foramine relicto superne lumen admittunt. Vites [p. 213] et arbores, si quae in tanto terrae rigore durare potuerunt, obruunt penitus: hieme defossae latent, cum discussa aperire humum coepit, caelo solique redduntur. [11] Ceterum adeo altae nives premunt terram gelu et perpetuo paene rigore constrictae, ut ne avium quidem feraeve ullius vestigium extet. Obscura caeli verius umbra quam lux, nocti similis, premit terram, vix ut, quae prope sunt, conspici possint. [12] In hac tum omnis humani cultus solitudine destitutus exercitus, quidquid malorum tolerari potest, pertulit, inopiam, frigus, lassitudinem, desperationem. [13] Multos exanimavit rigor insolitus ni vis, multorum adussit pedes, plurimorum oculos. Praecipue perniciabilis fuit fatigatis: quippe in ipso gelu deficientia corpora sternebant, quae
cum moveri desissent, vis frigoris ita adstringebat, ut rursus ad surgendum coniti non possent. [14] A commilitonibus torpentes excitabantur, neque aliud remedium erat, quam ut ingredi cogerentur: tum demum vitali calore moto membris aliquis redibat vigor. [15] Si qui tuguria barbarorum adire potuerunt, celeriter refecti sunt. Sed tanta caligo erat, ut aedificia nulla alia res quam fumus ostenderet. [16] Illi numquam ante in terris suis advena viso cum armatos repente conspicerent, exanimati metu, quidquid in tuguriis erat, adferebant, ut corporibus ipsorum parceretur, orantes. [17] Rex agmen circumibat pedes, iacentes quosdam erigens et alios, cum aegre sequerentur, adminiculo corporis sui excipiens. Nunc ad prima signa, nunc in medio, nunc in [p. 214] ultimo agmine itineris multiplicato labore aderat. [18] Tandem ad loca cultiora perventum est commeatuque largo recreatus exercitus: simul et, qui consequi non potuerant, in illa castra venerunt. [19] Inde agmen processit ad Caucasum montem, cuius dorsum Asiam perpetuo iugo dividit: hinc simul mare, quod Ciliciam subit, illinc Caspium fretum et amnem Araxen nobiliaque regionis Scythicae deserta spectat. [20] Taurus, secundae magnitudinis mons, committitur Caucaso: [21] a Cappadocia se attollens Ciliciam praeterit Armeniaeque montibus iungitur. Sic inter se iuga velut serie cohaerentia perpetuum habent dorsum, ex quo Asiae omnia fere flumina, alia in Rubrum, alia in Caspium mare, alia in Hyrcanium et Ponticum decidunt. [22] XVII dierum spatio Caucasum superavit exercitus. Rupes in eo x in circuitu stadia conplectitur, IIII in altitudinem excedit, in qua vinctum Promethea fuisse antiquitas tradidit. [23] Condendae in radicibus montis urbi sedes electa est. VII milibus subactarum nationum et praeterea militibus, quorum opera uti desisset, permissum in nova urbe considere. Hauc quoque Alexandream incolae appellaverunt.

  III. When these matters had been thus arranged, Alexander, having made Arsames satrap of the Drangae, ordered a march to be proclaimed against the Arimaspi, whom even at that time they called the Euergetae, having changed their name from the time when they had aided with shelter and supplies the army of Cyrus, when it was almost worn out by [2] cold and lack of food. It was the fifth day since he had come into that region. He learned that Satibarzanes, who had revolted and gone over to Bessus, with a force of cavalry had again invaded Aria. Therefore he sent against him Caranus and Erigyius with Artabazus and Andronicus; they were followed [3] by 6000 Greek infantry and 600 cavalry. He himself set in order the race of the Euergetae within sixty days, and gave them a great sum of money because of their splendid loyalty to Cyrus. Then, after having left Amedines to govern them — he had been Darius’ secretary — he subdued the Arachosii, whose territory extends to the Pontic Sea. There he met the army which had been commanded by Parmenion. It consisted of 6000 Macedonians, 200 nobles, 5000 Greeks, with 600 cavalry, beyond [5] doubt the flower of all the king’s forces. Menon was made governor of the Arachosii, and 4000 infantry and 600 cavalry were left as a garrison.

  The king himself with his army entered a nation not very well known even to their neighbours, since, having no commerce with them, they practised no borrowed customs. They are called the Parapanisadae, a rude race of men and especially uncultivated even among barbarians. The harshness of their climate had hardened the nature also of the inhabitants. They look in great part toward the very cold northern pole, on the west they are adjacent to the Bactriani, on the south their territory slopes toward [8] the Indian sea. They build huts of unbaked brick, and because the land is destitute of timber, since even the ridge of the mountain is bare, they use the same [9] brick up to the very top of their buildings. But their structure is broader at the base and gradually becomes narrower as the work grows, and finally it comes together very much like the keel of a ship. There they leave an opening and let in light from [10] above. Vines and trees, if any have been able to live in such a frozen soil, they bury deep in the ground; in winter these remain dug in, and when the end of winter begins to open the earth, they are [11] restored to the sky and to the sun. But such deep snows cover the ground and are bound so fast by ice and almost perpetual cold, that no trace is to be found even of birds or of any wild beast. What may be called a dim shadow of the sky rather than light, and resembling night, broods over the earth, so that objects which are near at hand can hardly be made [12] out. The army, then, abandoned in this absence of all human civilization, endured all the evils that could [13] be suffered, want, cold, fatigue, despair. The unusual cold of the snow caused the death of many, to many it brought frost-bite of the feet, to very many blindness of the eyes. It was especially harmful to those who were fatigued; for when their strength gave out, they stretched themselves on the very ice, and when they ceased to move, the force of the cold so bound them fast, that when they struggled to rise again, they could [14] not do so. But they were roused from their torpor by their fellow-soldiers, for there was no other cure than to be forced to go on; then only, when their natural warmth was aroused, did any strength return to their limbs.

  [16] If any could reach the huts of the barbarians, they were quickly restored. But such was the darkness that the only thing which revealed the buildings was [16] their smoke. When the natives, who had never before seen a stranger in their country, suddenly caught sight of armed men, they were paralysed with fear and brought them whatever they had in their [17] huts, begging them to spare their lives. The king went about on foot among his troops, lifting up some who were lying prostrate, and, by the aid of his body, supporting those who were following with difficulty. Now in the van, now in the centre, now at the rear of the army he was everywhere present with manifold [18] toil. At length they came to more cultivated places and the army was revived by an abundance of supplies; at the same time also those who had not been able to keep up came into the camp which they had pitched.

  [19] From there the army proceeded to the Caucasus mountains, whose range divides Asia by a continuous ridge. It looks on one side to the sea which washes Cilicia, on the other to the Caspian Sea, the river Araxes, and the well-known deserts of the Scythian [20] region. Taurus, a mountain of second rank in height, joins the Caucasus; rising from Cappadocia, it passes by Cilicia, and unites itself with the Armenian mountains. Thus the ranges, as if connected in a series, form a continuous chain, from which almost all the rivers of Asia flow, some into the Red Sea, others into the Caspian, and still others into the Hyrcanian and Pontic. The army passed over Caucasus [22] in a space of seventeen days. There is a crag in the mountain, embracing ten stadia in circumference and rising to four stadia in height, on which ancient [23] fable reports that Prometheus was chained. A site for founding a city was chosen at the foot of the mountain and seven thousand from the subdued nations were permitted to settle in the new city, as well as those soldiers whose services the king had ceased to make use of. This city also its inhabitants called Alexandria.

  At Bessus Alexandri celeritate perterritus dis patriis sacrificio rite facto, sicut illis gentibus mos est, cum [p. 215] amicis ducibusque copiarum inter epulas de bello consultabat. [2] Graves mero suas vires extollere, hostium nunc temeritatem, nunc paucitatem spernere incipiunt. [3] Praecipue Bessus ferox verbis et parto per scelus regno superbus ac vix potens mentis dicere orditur: [4] socordia Darei crevisse hostium famam. Occurrisse enim in Ciliciae angustissimis faucibus, cum retrocedendo posset perducere incautos in loca naturae situ tuta, tot fluminibus obiectis, tot montium latebris, inter quas deprehensus hostis ne fugae quidem, nedum resistendi occasionem fuerit habiturus. [5] Sibi placere in Sogdianos recedere: Oxum amnem velut murum obiecturum hosti, dum ex finitimis gentibus valida auxilia concurrerent. [6] Venturos autem Chorasmios et Dahas Sacasque et Indos et ultra Tanain amnem colentes Scythas: quorum neminem adeo humilem esse, ut humeri eius non possent Macedonis militis verticem aequare. [7] Conclamant temulenti unam hanc sententiam salubrem esse: et Bessus circumferri merum largius iubet debellaturus super mensam Alexandrum. [8] Erat in eo convivio Gobares, natione Medus, sed magicae artis — si modo ars est, non vanissimi cuiusque ludibrium — magis professione quam scientia celeber, alioqui moderatus et probus. [9] Is cum praefatus esset, [p. 216
] scire servo utilius esse parere dicto quam adferre consilium, cum illos, qui pareant, idem quod ceteros maneat, qui vero suadeant, proprium subeant periculum: [10] Bessus eum dicere iussit intrepidum, poculum etiam, quod habebat in manu, tradidit. Quo accepto Gobares: ‘Natura,’ inquit, ‘mortalium hoc quoque nomine prava et sinistra dici potest, quod in suo quisque negotio hebetior est quam in alieno. [11] Turbida sunt consilia eorum, qui sibi suadent. Obstat metus, alias cupiditas, nonnumquam naturalis eorum, quae excogitaveris, amor: nam in te superbia non cadit. Expertus es utique, quod ipse reppereris, aut solum aut optimum ducere. [12] Magnum onus sustines capite, regium insigne: hoc aut moderate perferendum est, aut, quod abominor, in te ruet. [13] Consilio, non impetu, opus est.’ Adicit deinde, quod apud Bactrianos vulgo usurpabant, canem timidum vehementius latrare quam mordere altissimaque flumina minimo sono labi. Quae inserui, ut, qualiscumque inter barbaros potuit esse prudentia, traderetur. [14] in His audientium expectationem suspenderat. Tum consilium aperit utilius Besso quam gratius. ‘In vestibulo,’ inquit, ‘regiae tuae velocissimus consistit rex: [15] ante ille agmen quam tu mensam istam movebis. Nunc ab Tanai exercitum accerses et armis flumina oppones. Scilicet, qua tu fugiturus es, hostis sequi non potest. Iter utrique commune est, victori tutius. [p. 217] Licet strenuum metum putes esse, velocior tamen spes est. [16] Quin validioris occupas gratiam dedisque te, utcumque cesserit, meliorem fortunam deditus quam hostis habiturus? [17] Alienum habes regnum, quo facilius eo careas. Incipias forsitan iustus esse rex, cum ipse fecerit, [18] qui tibi et dare potest regnum et eripere. Consilium habes fidele, quod diutius exequi supervacuum est. Nobilis equus umbra quoque virgae regitur, [19] ignavus ne calcari quidem concitari potest.’ Bessus et ingenio et multo mero ferox adeo exarsit, ut vix ab amicis, quo minus occideret eum, — nam strinxerat quoque acinacem — contineretur. Certe convivio prosiluit haudquaquam potens mentis. Gobares inter tumultum elapsus ad Alexandrum transfugit. [20] VIII milia Bactrianorum habebat armata Bessus. Quae quamdiu propter caeli intemperiem Indiam potius Macedonas petituros crediderant, oboedienter imperata fecerunt: postquam adventare Alexandrum conpertum est, in suos quisque vicos dilapsi Bessum reliquerunt. [21] Ille cum clientium manu, qui non mutaverant fidem, Oxo amne superato exustisque navigiis, quibus transierat, ne isdem hostis uteretur, novas copias in Sogdianis contrahebat. [22] Alexander Caucasum quidem, ut supra dictum est, transierat, sed inopia frumenti quoque prope ad famem ventum erat. [23] Suco ex sesima expresso haud secus quam oleo artus perunguebant, sed huius suci ducenis quadragenis denariis amphorae singulae, mellis denariis [p. 218] trecenis nonagenis, trecenis vini aestimabantur : tritici nihil aut admodum exiguum reperiebatur. [24] Siros vocabant barbari, quos ita sedlerter abscondunt, ut, nisi qui defoderunt, invenire non possint: in his conditae fruges erant. [25] In quarum penuria milites fluviatili pisce et herbis sustinebantur. Iamque haec ipsa alimenta defecerant, cum iumenta, quibus onera portabant, caedere iussi sunt: horum carne, dum in Bactrianos perventum est, traxere vitam. [26] Bactrianae terrae multiplex et varia natura est. Alibi multa arbor et vitis largos mitesque fructus alit, solum pingue crebri fontes rigant, quae mitiora sunt, frumento conseruntur, [27] cetera armentorum pabulo cedunt. Magnam deinde partem eiusdem terrae steriles harenae tenent: squalida siccitate regio non hominem, non frugem alit. Cum vero venti a Pontico mari spirant, quidquid sabuli in campis iacet, converrunt : quod ubi cumulatum est, magnorum collium procul species est, omniaque pristini itineris vestigia intereunt. [28] Itaque, qui transeunt campos, navigantium modo noctu sidera observant, ad quorum cursum iter dirigunt: et propemodum clarior est noctis umbra quam lux. [29] Ergo interdiu invia est regio, quia nec vestigium, quod sequantur, inveniunt et nitor siderum caligine absconditur. Ceterum si quos ille ventus, [30] qui a mari exoritur, deprehendit, harena obruit. Sed, qua mitior terra est, ingens [p. 219] hominum equorumque multitudo gignitur. Itaque Bactriani equites XXX milia expleverant. [31] Ipsa Bactra, regionis eius caput, sita sunt sub monte Parapaniso. Bactrus amnis praeterit moenia. Is urbi et regioni dedit nomen. [32] Hic regi stativa habenti nuntiatur ex Graecia Peloponuesiorum Laconumque defectio — nondum enim victi erant, cum proficiscerentur tumultus eius principia nuntiaturi — et alius praesens terror adfertur, Scythas, qui ultra Tanaim amnem colunt, adventare Besso ferentis opem. Eodem tempore, quae in gente Ariorum Caranus et Erigyius gesserant, perferuntur. Commissum erat proelium inter Macedonas Ariosque. [33] Transfuga Satibarzartes barbaris praeerat: qui cum pugnam segnem utrimque aequis viribus stare vidisset, in primos ordines adequitavit demptaque galea inhibitis, qui tela iaciebant, si quis viritim dimicare vellet, provocavit ad pugnam: nudum se caput in certamine habiturum. [34] Non tulit ferociam barbari ducis Erigyius, gravis quidem aetate, sed et animi et corporis robore nulli iuvenum postferendus. Is galea dempta canitiem ostentans: ‘Venit,’ inquit, ‘dies, quo aut victoria aut morte honestissima, quales amicos et milites Alexander habeat, ostendam.’ [35] Nec plura elocutus equum in hostem egit. Crederes imperatum, ut acies utraeque tela cohiberent: protinus certe recesserunt dato libero [p. 220] spatio, intenti in eventum non ducum modo, sed etiam suae sortis, quippe alienum discrimen secuturi. [36] Prior barbarus emisit hastam: quam Erigyius modica capitis declinatione evitavit atque ipse infestam sarisam equo calcaribus concitato in medio barbari gutture ita fixit, ut per cervicem emineret. [37] Praecipitatus ex equo barbarus adhuc tamen repugnabat. Sed illе extractam e vulnere hastam rursus in os dirigit. Satibarzanes manu conplexus, quo maturius interiret, ictum hostis adiuvit. [38] Et barbari duce amisso, quem magis necessitate quam sponte secuti erant, tunc haud inmemores meritorum Alexandri arma Erigyio tradunt. [39] Rex his quidem laetus, de Spartanis haudquaquam securus magno tamen animo defectum eorum tulit, [40] dicens non ante ausos consilia nudare quam ipsum ad fines Indiae pervenisse cognossent. Ipse Bessum persequens copias movit : cui Erigyius barbari caput, opimum belli decus, praeferens occurrit.