Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  [18] “The reasonableness of my plan is clear; but I doubt whether the Macedonians will allow me to use my judgement, because, as the result of this wound which I have suffered, I have neither ridden nor gone on foot. But if you are willing to follow me, I am strong, my friends. I have sufficient strength to endure the dangers which I have suggested; or, if the end of my life is already at hand, in what exploit, [20] pray, shall I die more nobly?” So much had he spoken in a voice faltering, broken all the time and with difficulty to be heard by those who were beside him, when all began to deter the king from so rash a [21] plan, Erigyius especially, who, unable by his influence to check his obstinate purpose, tried to arouse his superstition, which was the king’s weak point, by saying that even the gods opposed his plan, and that great danger menaced him, if he should cross the [22] river. Erigyius, as he entered the king’s tent, had been met by Aristander, who told him that the signs of the victims had turned out unfavourable; this, which he had learned from the seer, Erigyius reported.

  [23] Having silenced him, Alexander, confused, not by anger alone, but also by shame because the superstition which he had concealed was revealed, ordered [24] Aristander to be summoned. When he came, the king, gazing sternly at him, said: “Not as king, but secretly as a private person, I ordered you to offer a sacrifice. Why did you announce what was portended by it to another rather than to me? Through your indiscretion Erigyius knew my private and secret affairs, and, by Heaven! I feel sure that he uses his own fear as an interpreter of the victim’s vitals. But I give you, who know, a solemn warning to indicate to me personally what you have learned from those sacrifices, so that you may not be able to deny having [26] said what you shall tell me.” Aristander stood pale and as if thunderstruck, and although through fear he lost his voice, at length, driven also by fear, lest he should keep the king waiting, he said: “I predicted that a contest of great, but not fruitless labour threatened; and it is not so much my art as affection for you that disturbs me. I see the weakness of your health, and I know how much depends on you alone. I fear that you cannot be equal to the present fortune.” The king bade him have confidence in his good fortune; saving that, just as at other times, the gods granted him glory. Then as he was consulting with the same men as to what method they should use for crossing the river, Aristander appeared, declaring that at no other time had he seen more favourable entrails; especially were they very different from the former ones, that then causes for anxiety had appeared but that now the sacrifice had turned out exceptionally favourable.

  [30] But what was presently announced to the king had inflicted a stain on the continual good fortune of his enterprises. He had sent Menedemus, as was said before, to besiege Spitamenes, the author of the defection of the Bactriani; Spitamenes, having learned of the coming of the enemy, in order not to be shut within the walls of the city, and at the same time trusting that Menedemus could be taken unawares had secretly laid an ambuscade where he knew that [32] Menedemus would come. The road was covered with woods and adapted to conceal the ambush; there he hid the Dahae. Each of their horses carrries two riders, of whom in turn one suddenly dismounts [33] and confuses the order of a cavalry battle. The speed of the men is equal to the swiftness of their horses. These, which had been ordered to surround the woods, Spitamenes showed at the same time on the flanks, [34] in front, and in the rear of the enemy. Menedemus hemmed in on all sides, although not even equal in numbers, yet resisted for a long time, crying that since they had been deceived by an ambuscade, no solace was left for them except that of an honourable death, a solace arising from the slaughter of the enemy. He himself rode a very powerful horse, by which often carried at full speed into solid blocks of barbarian [36] troops, he routed them with great carnage. But when they all attacked him alone, and he was drained of blood by many wounds, he urged Hypsicles, one of his friends, to mount his horse and save himself by flight. As he was saying this, life left him, and his body slipped down from his horse to the ground.

  [37] Hypsicles could in fact have escaped, but after losing his friend he resolved to die. His only care was, not to fall unavenged; therefore, spurring on his horse, he plunged into the midst of the enemy, and having fought a memorable fight, was overwhelmed by their — weapons. When those who had survived the carnage saw that, they took position on an eminence a little higher than the rest of the field; there Spitamenes besieged them, hoping by starvation to drive [39] them to surrender. There fell in that battle 2000 foot and 300 horsemen. Alexander with crafty prudence concealed this disaster, threatening with death those who had returned from the battle, if they made public what had happened.

  Ceterum cum animo disparem vultum diutius ferre non posset, in tabernaculum super ripam fluminis de industria locatum secessit. [2] Ibi sine arbitris singula animi consulta pensando noctem vigiliis extraxit saepe pellibus tabernaculi adlevatis, ut conspiceret hostium ignes, e quibus coniectare poterat, [3] quanta hominum multitudo esset. Iamque lux adpetebat, cum thoracem indutus procedit ad milites, tum primum post vulnus proxime acceptum. [4] Tanta erat apud eos veneratio regis, ut facile periculi, [p. 237] quod horrebant, cogitationem praesentia eius excuteret. [5] Laeti ergo et manantibus gaudio lacrimis consalutant eum et, quod ante recusaverant bellum, feroces deposcunt. [6] Ille se ratibus equitem phalangemque transportaturum esse pronuntiat, super utres iubet nare levius armatos. [7] Plura nec dici res desideravit nec rex dicere per valitudinem potuit. Ceterum tanta alacritate militum rates iunctae sunt, ut intra triduum ad xii milia effecta sint. [8] Iamque ad transeundum omnia aptaverant, cum legati Scytharum XX more gentis per castra equis vecti nuntiare iubent regi, velle ipsos ad eum mandata perferre. [9] Admissi in tabernaculum iussique considere in vultu regis defixerant oculus: credo, quis magnitudine corporis animum aestimantibus moidicus habitus haudquaquam famae par videbatur. [10] Scythis autem non, ut ceteris barbaris, rudis et inconditus sensus est: quidam eorum sapientiam quoque capere dicuntur, quantamcumque gens capit semper armata. [11] Sic, quae locutos esse apud regem memoriae proditum est, abhorrent forsitan moribus oratoribusque nostris et tempora et ingenia cultiora sortitis. Sed, ut possit oratio eorum sperni, tamen fides nostra non debet : quae, utcumque sunt tradita, incorrupta proferemus. [12] Igitur unum ex his maximum natu locutum accepimus: ‘Si di habitum corporis tui aviditati animi parem esse voluissent, orbis te non caperet: altera manu Orientem, [p. 238] altera Occidentem contingeres et hoc adsecutus scire velles, ubi tanti numinis fulgor conderetur. Sic quoque concupiscis, quae non capis. [13] Ab Europa petis Asiam, ex Asia transis in Europam: deinde, si humanum genus omne superaveris, [14] cum silvis et nivibus et fluminibus ferisque bestiis gesturus es bellum. Quid? tu ignoras arbores magnas diu crescere, una hora extirpari? Stultus est, qui fructus earum spectat, altitudinem non metitur. Vide, ne, dum ad cacumen pervenire contendis, [15] cum ipsis ramis, quos conprehenderis, decidas. Leo quoque aliquando minimarum avium pabulum fuit, et ferrum robigo consumit. Nihil tam firmum est, cui periculum non sit etiam ab invalido. [16] Quid nobis tecum est? Numquam terram tuam attigimus. Quis sis, unde venias, licetne ignorare in vastis silvis viventibus? Nec servire ulli possumus nec imperare desideramus. [17] Dona nobis data sunt, ne Scytharum gentem ignores, iugum boum et aratrum, sagitta, hasta, patera. His utimur et cum amicis et adversus inimicos. [18] Fruges amicis damus boum labore quaesitas, patera cum isdem vinum dis libamus, inimicos sagitta eminus, hasta comminus petimus. Sic Syriae regem et postea Persarum Medorumque superavimus, [19] patuitque nobis iter usque in Aegyptum. At tu, qui te gloriaris ad latrones persequendos venire, omnium gentium, quas adisti, latro es. Lydiam [p. 239] cepisti, Syriam occupasti, Persidem tenes, Bactrianos habes in potestate, Indos petisti: iam etiam ad pecora nostra avaras et insatiabiles manus porrigis. [20] Quid tibi divitiis opus est, quae esurire te cogunt? Primus omnium satietate parasti famem, ut, quo plura haberes, acrius, quae non habes, cuperes. [21] Non succurrit tibi, quam diu circum Bactra haereas? Dum illos subigis, Sogdiani bellare coeperunt. Bellum tibi ex victoria nascitur. Nam, ut maior fortiorque sis q
uam quisquam, tamen alienigenam dominum pati nemo vult. [22] Transi modo Tanain: scies, quam late pateant, numquam tamen consequeris Scythas. Paupertas nostra velocior erit quam exercitus tuus, qui praedam tot nationum vehit. Rursus, cum procul abesse nos credes, videbis in tuis castris. Eadem enim velocitate et sequimur et fugimus. [23] Scytharum solitudines Graecis etiam proverbiis audio eludi: at nos deserta et humano cultu vacua magis quam urbes et opulentos agros sequimur. [24] Proinde fortunam tuam pressis manibus tene: lubrica est nec invita teneri potest. Salubre consilium sequens quam praesens tempus ostendit melius. Inpone felicitati tuae frenos: facilius illam reges. [25] Nostri sine pedibus dicunt esse Fortunam, quae manus et pinnas tantum habet: cum manus porrigit, pinnas quoque conprehende. [26] Denique, si deus es, tribuere [p. 240] mortalibus beneficia debes, non sua eripere: sin autem homo es, id quod es, semper esse te cogita. Stultum est eorum meminisse, propter quae tui obliviscaris. [27] Quibus bellum non intuleris, bonis amicis poteris uti. [28] Nam et firmissima est inter pares amicitia, et videntur pares, qui non fecerunt inter se periculum virium. Quos viceris, amicos tibi esse, cave, credas. Inter dominum et servum nulla amicitia est: etiam in pace belli tamen iura servantur. [29] Iurando gratiam Scythas sancire ne credideris: colendo fidem iurant. Graecorum ista cautio est, qui pacta consignant et deos invocant: nos religionem in ipsa fide ponimus. Qui non reverentur homines, fallunt deos. Nec tibi amico opus est, de cuius benivolentia dubites. [30] Ceterum nos et Asiae et Europae custodes habebis: Bactra, nisi dividat Tanais, contingimus, ultra Tanain terras usque ad Thraciam colimus, Thraciae Macedoniam coniunctam esse fama fert. Utrumne imperio tuo finitimos hostes an amicos velis esse, considera.’ Haec barbarus.

  VIII. But when he could no longer bear an expression which belied his feelings, he withdrew to his tent, which he had purposely placed on the bank of the [2] river. There without witnesses, weighing his plans one by one, he spent the night sleepless, often raising the skins of the tent to look at the enemies’ fires, from which he could calculate how great their number of [3] men was. And already daylight was at hand, when, putting on his cuirass, he went out to the soldiers, for the first time since the recent wound which he had suffered. So great was their veneration for the king that his presence readily dispelled all thought [5] of the danger which they dreaded. Happy therefore and shedding tears of joy, they saluted him, and confidently demanded the battle which they had before [6] refused. He announced that he was going to transport the cavalry and the phalanx on rafts, and he ordered the lighter-armed troops to swim, [7] supported by inflated skins. The situation did not call for more words, nor could the king say more because of his illness. But the rafts were put together with such enthusiasm on the part of the soldiers, that within three days about 12,000 were finished.

  [8] And already they had prepared everything tor crossing, when twenty envoys of the Scythians, according to the custom of their race riding through the camp on horseback, ordered announcement to be made to the king that they desired to deliver a [9] message to him. Being admitted to the tent and invited to be seated, they had fixed their eyes on the king’s face, because, I suppose, to those who estimated spirit by bodily stature his moderate size [10] seemed by no means equal to his reputation. However, the comprehension of the Scythians is not so rude and untrained as that of the rest of the barbarians; in fact, some of them are even said to be capable of philosophy, so far as a race that is always [11] in arms is capable of such knowledge. Hence what they are reported to have said to the king is perhaps foreign to our customs and our orators, who have been allotted more cultivated times and intellects. But although their speech may be scorned, yet our fidelity ought not to be; and so we shall report their words without change, just as they have been handed down to us.

  Well then, we have learned that one of them, the eldest said: “If the gods had willed that your bodily stature should be equal to your greed, the world not contain you, with one hand you would touch the rising, with the other the setting sun, and having reached the latter, you would wish to know where the brilliance of so great a god hides itself. So also you desire what you cannot attain. From Europe you pass to Asia, from Asia you cross into Europe; then, when you have subdued the whole human race, you will wage war with the woods and the snows, with rivers and wild beasts. Why, do you not know that great trees are long in growing, but are uprooted in a single hour? He is a fool who looks at their fruits, but does not scan their height. Beware lest, while you strive to reach the top, you fall with the very branches which you have grasped. Even the lion has sometimes been the food of the smallest of birds, and rust consumes iron. Nothing is so strong that it may not be in danger even from the weak. What have we to do with you? We have never set foot in your lands. Are not those who live in the solitary woods allowed to be ignorant who you are, whence come? We cannot obey any man, nor do we desire to rule any.

  [17] That you may know the Scythian nation we have received as gifts a yoke of oxen and a plow, an arrow, a spear, and a bowl. These we use both with [18] our friends and against our foes. We give grain to our friends, acquired by the labour of our oxen, with them from the bowl we offer libation to the gods, we attack our foes from a distance with the arrow, with the spear hand to hand. —

  “it is thus that we have conquered the king of Syria and later those of the Persians and the Medes, and that a way was opened for us even into Egypt.

  But you, who boast that you are coming to attack robbers, are the robber of all the nations to which you have come. You have taken Lydia, you have seized Syria, you hold Persia you have the Bactriani in your power, you have aimed at India; already you are stretching your greedy and insatiable hands [20] for our flocks. What need have you for riches, which compel you to hunger for them? First of all men, you by a surfeit have produced a hunger wherein the more you have, the keener is your desire for [21] what you have not. Does it not occur to you how long you are delaying around Bactra? While you are subduing the Bactriani the Sogdiani have begun to make war. For you victory is a source of war. For although you may be the greatest and bravest of all men, yet no one is willing to endure a foreign lord. —

  [22] “Only cross the Tanais; you will learn how far the Scythians extend, yet you will never overtake them. Our poverty will be swifter than your army, which carries the pillage of so many nations. Again, when you believe us afar off, you will see us in your camp. For we both pursue and flee with the same [23] swiftness. I hear that the solitudes of the Scythians are made fun of even in Greek proverbs, but we seek after places that are desert and free from human cultivation rather than cities and rich fields.

  [24] Therefore hold your fortune with tight hands; she is slippery and cannot be held against her will Wholesome advice will be better shown by the future than by the present. Put curbs upon your good fortune; [25] you will manage it the more easily. Our people say that Fortune is without feet, she has only hands and wings; when she stretches out her hands, grasp her wings also. —

  [26] “Finally, if you are a god, you ought to confer benefits on mankind, not strip them of those they have; but if you are a mortal man, always remember that you are what you are. It is folly to remember [27] those things which make you forget yourself. Those on whom you have not made war you will be able to use as friends. For friendship is strongest among equals, and those are regarded as equals who have [28] not made trial of one another’s strength. Do not believe that those whom you have conquered are your friends. There is no friendship between master and slave; even in peace the laws of war are kept.

  [29] Believe not that the Scythians ratify a friendship by taking oath; they take oath by keeping faith. The oath is a caution of the Greeks, who jointly seal agreements and call upon the gods; our religion consists in good faith itself. Those who do not respect men [30] deceive the gods. And you have no need of a friend whose goodwill you may doubt. Moreover in us you will have guardians of both Asia and Europe; we touch upon Bactra, except that the river Tanais is between us. Beyond the Tanais we inhabit lands extendin
g to Thrace, and report says that the Macedonians border upon Thrace. Consider whether you wish enemies or friends to be neighbours to your wish empire.” So spoke the barbarian.

  Contra rex fortuna sua et consiliis eorum se usurum esse respondet: nam et fortunam, cui confidat, et consilium suadentium, ne quid temere et audacter faciat, [2] secuturum. Dimissisque legatis in praeparatas rates exercitum inposuit. In proris clipeatos locaverat iussos in genua subsidere, quo tutiores essent adversus ictus sa- [p. 241] gittarum. [3] Post hos, qui tormenta intenderent, stabant et ab utroque latere et a fronte circumdati armatis. Reliqui, qui post tormenta constiterant, remigem lorica non tutum scutorum testudine armati protegebant. [4] Idem ordo in illis quoque ratibus, quae equitem vehebant, servatus est. Maior pars a puppe nantes equos loris trahebat. At illos, quos utres stramento repleti vehebant, obiectae rates tuebantur. [5] Ipse rex cum delectis primus ratem solvit et in ripam dirigi iussit. Cui Scythae admotos ordines equitum in primo ripae margine opponunt, ut ne adplicari quidem terrae rates possent. [6] Ceterum praeter hanc speciem ripis praesidentis exercitus ingens navigantes terror invaserat: namque cursum gubernatores, cum obliquo flumine inpellerentur, regere non poterant, vacillantesque milites et, ne excuterentur, solliciti nautarum ministeria turbaverant. [7] Ne tela quidem conati nisu vibrare poterant, cum prior standi sine periculo quam hostem incessendi cura esset. Tormenta saluti fuerunt, quibus in confertos ac temere se offerentes haud frustra excussa sunt tela. [8] Barbari quoque ingentem vim sagittarum infudere ratibus, vixque ullum fuit scutum, quod non pluribus simul spiculis perfnraretur. [9] Iamque terrae rates adplicabantur, cum acies clipeata consurgit et hastas certo ictu, utpote libero nisu, mittit e ratibus. Et ut territos recipientesque equos videre, [10] alacres mutua adhortatione in terram desilire et turbatis [p. 242] acriter pedem inferre coeperunt. Equitum deinde turmae, quae frenatos habebant equos, perfregere barbarorum aciem. Interim ceteri agmine dimicantium tecti aptavere se pugnae. [11] Ipse rex, quod vigoris aegro adhuc corpori deerat, animi firmitate supplebat. Vox adhortantis non poterat audiri nondum bene obducta cicatrice cervicis, sed dimicantem cuncti videbant. [12] Itaque ipsi quidem ducum fungebantur officio aliusque alium adhortati in hostem salutis inmemores ruere coeperunt. [13] Tum vero non ora, non arma, non clamorem hostium barbari tolerare potuerunt omnesque effusis habenis — namque equestris acies erat — capessunt fugam. Quos rex, quamquam vexationem invalidi corporis pati non poterat, per LXXX tamen stadia insequi perseveravit. [14] Iamque linquente animo suis praecepit, ut, donec lucis aliquid superesset, fugientium tergis inhaererent: ipse exhaustis etiam animi viribus in castra se recepit ibique substitit. [15] Transierant iam Liberi Patris terminos, quorum monumenta lapides erant crebris intervallis dispositi arboresque procerae, [16] quarum stipites hedera contexerat. Sed Macedonas ira longius provexit: quippe media fere nocte in castra redierunt multis interfectis, pluribus captis equosque м et DCCC abegere. Ceciderunt autem Macedonum equites LX, pedites C fere, M saucii fuerunt. [17] Haec expeditio deficientem magna ex parte Asiam fama tam opportunae victoriae domuit. Invictos Scythas esse crediderant: quibus fractis nullam gentem [p. 243] Macedonum armis parem fore confitebantur. Itaque Sacae misere legatos, qui pollicerentur gentem imperata facturam: [18] moverat eos regis non virtus magis, quam dementia in devictos Scythas. Quippe captivos omnes sine pretio remiserat, ut fidem faceret sibi cum ferocissimis gentium de fortitudine, non de ira fuisse certamen. [19] Benigne igitur exceptis Sacarum legatis comitem Euxenippon dedit, adhuc admodum iuvenem, aetatis flore conciliatum sibi, qui cum specie corporis aequaret Hephaestionem, ei lepore haud sane virili par non erat. [20] Ipse Cratero cum maiore parte exercitus modicis itineribus sequi iusso adiit Maracanda urbem. Inde Spitamenes conperto eius adventu Bactra perfugerat. [21] Itaque quadriduo rex longum itineris spatium emensus pervenerat in eum locum, in quo Menedemo duce duo milia peditum et CCC equites amiserat. Horum ossa tumulo contegi iussit et inferias more patrio dedit. [22] Iam Craterus cum phalange subsequi iussus ad regem pervenerat: itaque, ut omnes, qui defecerant, pariter belli clade premerentur, copias dividit urique agros et interfici puberes iubet.