Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  XI. And everything else the king had subdued.

  There was one rock, which Ariamazes, a native of Sogdiana, was holding with 30,000 armed men, having previously stored there provisions sufficient [2] to support so great a force for fully two years. The rock rises to a height of 30 stadia, and embraces a circuit of 150; it is scarped on every side and [3] approached by a very steep and narrow path. In the middle of its ascent it has a cavern, the entrance of which is narrow and obscure; then farther in it gradually widens, and finally even contains deep recesses. Springs flow almost everywhere in the cavern, and the waters which gather in these send forth a river down the steep sides of the mountain.

  [4] The king, having seen the difficulty of the place, had decided to leave it; then a desire entered his mind to wear out even Nature’s strength. Nevertheless, before trying the fortune of a siege, he sent Cophes — he was a son of Artabazus — to the barbarians, to persuade them to surrender the rock. Ariamazes, trusting to his position, made several arrogant replies, and finally asked whether Alexander could even fly.

  [8] When this was reported to the king, it so inflamed his mind, that summoning those with whom he was wont to consult, he told them of the insolence of the barbarian, who mocked at them because they did not have wings; but that he on the following night would make him believe that the Macedonians [7] could even fly. “Let each of you,” said he, “bring me 300 of the most active young men from your forces, who at home were accustomed to drive their flocks over mountain pastures and almost [8] impassable rocks.” They quickly brought that number, who excelled in bodily agility and in ardour of courage. The king, looking them over, said: “It is with you, O youths, my comrades, that I have overcome the fortifications of cities that before now were unconquered, that I have traversed the heights of mountains buried in perpetual snow, that I entered the passes of Cilicia, and have endured the intense cold of India without fatigue. I have given you [9] proofs of myself, and I have had proofs of you. The rock which you see has only one approach, which the barbarians beset, they neglect the rest; they have no sentinels except those that are watching our [10] camp. You will find a way, if you seek carefully for paths leading to the top. Nature has placed nothing so high, that valour cannot overcome it. It is by trying what others have despaired of that we have [11] Asia in our power. Go up to the summit; when you have attained it, you will give me a signal with white cloths. I will bring up forces and divert the enemy [12] from you to us. The reward for him who first reaches the top will be ten talents; he who comes next will receive one less, and the same proportion will be maintained up to the number of ten men. But I am sure that you will have an eye, not so much to the reward, as to my desire.”

  [13] They heard the king with such alacrity, that it seemed that they had already attained the summit; and when dismissed they prepared iron wedges to insert between the stones and strong ropes. The king rode around the rock, and where the approach seemed least rough and steep he ordered them to set out in the second watch, uttering a prayer to the gods for success. They, taking food sufficient for two days, and armed only with swords and lances, began to climb up. And at first they advanced on foot; then, when they came to very steep places, some grasped projecting stones with their hands and pulled themselves up, others made their way by using nooses of rope, still others drove wedges between the stones and made steps on which to stand.

  [16] They spent a day amid fear and toil. After having struggled over rough places, still harder ones awaited them, and the height of the rock seemed to grow. That indeed was a pitiful sight, when those whom their unsteady step had betrayed were hurled down a sheer drop; and the example of others’ disaster showed that they must soon suffer the same fate.

  [17] Nevertheless, through all these difficulties they mounted to the top of the mountain, all worn out by the fatigue of constant toil, some maimed in a part of their limbs, and night and sleep came upon them [18] together. With their bodies stretched here and there on the pathless and rough rocks, they forgot their dangerous situation and slept until daybreak; and when at last they awakened as from a deep slumber, examining the hidden valleys that lay below them, and not knowing in what part of the rock so great a force of the enemy was hidden, they saw smoke rolling out from a cavern below them.

  [19] From this they knew that it was the hiding place of the enemy. Therefore they raised on their spears the signal which had been agreed upon; and they found that out of their whole number thirty-two had perished during the ascent.

  [20] The king, harassed not more from desire of taking the place than for the possible fate of those whom he had sent into such evident danger, stood during the looking at the summit of the mountain; not until night, when darkness prevented him from seeing did he repose for withdraw on the following day., he was the first to see the clothes that showed that the top was taken, But the changing sky where now a gleam of light shown through, which again was hidden, compelled him to doubt whether his eyes did not deceive him. But as a clearer light appeared in the heaven she was the first to see the cloths that showed that the top was taken. But the changing sky, where now a gleam of light shown through, which again was hidden, compelled him to doubt whether his eyes did not deceive him. But as a clearer light appeared in the heavens, his doubt was dispelled; and having summoned Cophes, through whom he had tested the feelings of the barbarians, he sent him to them, to warn them now at least to adopt a better purpose; but if they persisted through confidence in their situation, he ordered that those who had taken possession of the summit should be pointed out to them.

  [23] Cophes, being admitted, began to urge Ariamazes to surrender the rock, saying that he would gain the king’s favour if, while he was engaged in such great-enterprises, he should not delay him in the siege o a single rock. He, speaking more proudly and arrogantly than before, ordered Cophes to depart; but he took the barbarian by the hand and asked him to go with him outside the cave. When he had complied, Cophes showed him the young men on the summit, and with good reason mocking his arrogance, said that the soldiers of Alexander had wings.

  [26] And now from the camp of the Macedonians the notes of the trumpets and the shouts of the whole army were heard. This, like many other things in war, although vain and empty, moved the barbarians to surrender; for seized with fear, they were unable to estimate rightly the small number of those who were 26 in their rear. Therefore they quickly recalled Cophes, who had left them in their confusion, and sent with him thirty of their leading men, to surrender the rock and to stipulate that they should be allowed to retire [27] unharmed. The king, although he feared that, seeing the fewness of the young men, the barbarians might dislodge them, yet trusting to his fortune and incensed by the arrogance of Ariamazes, replied that he would accept only an unconditional surrender.

  [28] Ariamazes, believing that his situation was desperate, whereas it was in fact not hopeless, came down to the king’s camp with his relatives and the principal nobles of his race; Alexander ordered all these to be scourged and crucified at the very foot of the rock.

  [29] A multitude of those who had surrendered, together with the booty in money, was given to the settlers in the new cities. Artabazus was left to govern the rock and the region adjacent to it.

  BOOK VIII.

  Alexander maiore fama quam gloria in dicionem redacta petra, cum propter vagum hostem spargendae manus essent, in tres partes divisit exercitum. Hephaestionem uni, Coenon alteri duces dederat, ipse ceteris praeerat. [2] Sed non eadem mens omnibus barbaris fuit: armis quidam subacti, plures ante certamen imperata fecerunt. Quibus eorum, qui in defectione perseveraverant, urbes agrosque iussit attribui. [3] At exules Bactriani cum DCCC Massagetarum equitibus proximos vicos vastaverunt. Ad quos coercendos Attinas, regionis eius praefectus, CCC equites insidiarum, quae parabantur, ignarus eduxit. [4] Namque hostis in silvis — et erant forte campo iunctae — armatum [p. 252] militem condidit paucis propellentibus pecora, ut inprovidum ad insidias praeda perduceret. [5] Itaque inconposito agmine s
olutisque ordinibus Attinas praedabundus sequebatur: quem praetergressum silvam, qui in ea consederant, [6] ex inproviso adorti cum omnibus interemerunt. Celeriter ad Craterum huius cladis fama perlata est, qui cum omni equitatu supervenit. Et Massagetae quidem iam refugerant, Dahae M oppressi sunt: quorum clade totius regionis finita defectio est. [7] Alexander quoque Sogdianis rursus subactis Maracanda repetit. Ibi Derdas, quem ad Scythas super Bosphorum colentes miserat, cum legatis gentis occurrit. [8] Phrataphernes quoque, qui Chorasmiis praeerat, Massagetis et Dahis regionum confinio adiunctus miserat, qui facturum imperata pollicerentur. [9] Scythae petebant, ut regis sui filiam matrimonio sibi iungeret: si dedignaretur adfinitatem, principes Macedonum cum primoribus suae gentis conubio coire pateretur: ipsum regum quoque regem venturum ad eum pollicebantur. [10] Utraque legatione benigne audita Hephaestionem et Artabazum opperiens stativa habuit: quibus adiunctis in regionem, quae appellatur Bazaira, pervenit. [11] Barbarae opulentiae in illis locis haud ulla sunt maiora indicia quam magnis nemoribus saltibusque nobilium ferarum greges clusi. [12] Spatiosas ad hoc eligunt silvas crebris perenuium aquarum fontibus amoenas: muris nemora cinguntur turresque habent venantium [p. 253] receptacula. [13] Quattuor continuis aetatibus intactum saltum fuisse constabat, cum Alexander cum toto exercitu ingressus agitari undique feras iussit. [14] Inter quas cum leo magnitudinis rarae ipsum regem invasurus incurreret, forte Lysimachus, qui postea regnavit, proximus Alexandro venabulum obicere ferae coeperat: quo rex repulso et abire iusso adiecit tam a semet uno quam a Lysimacho leonem interfici posse. [15] Lysimachus enim quondam, cum venarentur in Syria, occiderat quidem eximiae magnitudinis feram solus, sed laevo humero usque ad ossa lacerato ad ultimum periculi pervenerat. [16] Id ipsum exprobrans ei rex fortius, quam locutus est, fecit: nam feram non excepit modo, sed etiam uno vulnere occidit. [17] Fabulam, quae obiectum leoni a rege Lysimachum temere vulgavit, ab eo casu, quem supra ) diximus, ortam esse crediderim. [18] Ceterum Macedones, quamquam prospero eventu defunctus erat Alexander, tamen scivere gentis suae more, ne aut pedes venaretur aut sine delectis principum atque amicorum. [19] Ille IIII milibus ferarum deiectis in eodem saltu cum toto exercitu epulatus est. Inde Maracanda redi tum est: acceptaque aetatis excusatione ab Artabazo provinciam eius destinat Clito. [20] Hic erat, qui apud Granicum amnem nudo capite regem dimicantem clipeo suo texit et Rhosacis manum [p. 254] capiti regis inminentem gladio amputavit, vetus Philippi miles multisque bellicis operibus clarus. [21] Et Larnice, quae Alexandrum educaverat, soror eius, haud secus quam mater a rege diligebatur. Ob has causas validissimam imperii partem fidei eius tutelaeque commisit. [22] Iamque iter parare in posterum iussus sollemni et tempestivo adhibetur convivio. In quo rex cum multo incaluisset mero, inmodicus aestimator sui celebrare, quae gesserat, coepit, gravis etiam eorum auri bus, qui sentiebant vera memorari. [23] Silentium tamen habuere seniores, donec Philippi res orsus obterere nobilem apud Chaeroneam victoriam sui operis fuisse iactavit ademptamque sibi malignitate et invidia patris tantae rei gloriam. [24] Illum quidem seditione inter Macedones milites et Graecos mercennarios orla debilitatum vulnere, quod in ea consternation e acceperat, iacuisse, non alia re quam simulatione mortis tutiorem: se corpus eius protexisse clipeo suo, ruentesque in illum sua manu occisos. [25] Quae patrem numquam aequo animo esse confessum, invitum filio debentem salutem sol suam. Atque post expeditionem, quam sine eo fecisset ipse in Illyrios, victorem scripsisse se patri fusos fugatosque hostes: [26] nec adfuisse usquam Philippum. Laude dignos esse, non qui Samotbracum initia viserent, [27] cum Asiam uri vastarique oporteret, sed eos, qui magnitudine rerum fidem antecessissent. Haec et bis similia laeti audiere iuvenes, ingrata senioribus erant, [p. 255] maxime propter Philippum, sub quo diutius vixerant, [28] cum Clitus ne ipse quidem satis sobrius ad eos, qui infra ipsum cubabant, conversus Euripidis rettulit carmen, ita ut sonus magis quam sermo exaudiri posset a rege, [29] quo significabatur male instituisse Graecos, quod tropaeis regum dumtaxat nomina inscriberent: alieno enim sanguine partam gloriam intercipi. Itaque rex, cum suspicaretur malignius habitum esse sermonem, percontari proximos coepit, quid ex Clito audissent. [30] Et illis ad silendum obstinatis Clitus paulatim maiore voce Philippi acta bellaque in Graecia gesta commemorat omnia praesentibus praeferens. [31] Hinc inter iuniores senesque orta contentio est. Et rex, velut patienter audiret, quis Clitus obterebat laudes eius, ingentem iram conceperat. [32] Ceterum cum animo videretur imperaturus, si finem procaciter orto sermoni Clitus inponeret, nihil eo remittente magis exasperabatur. [33] Iamque Clitus etiam Parmenionem defendere audebat et Philippi de Atheniensibus victoriam Thesbarum praeferebat excidio non vino modo, sed etiam animi prava contentione provectus. [34] Ad ultimum: ‘Si moriendum,’ inquit, ‘est pro te, Clitus est primus: at cum victoriae arbitrium agis, praecipuum ferunt, qui procacissime patris tui memoriae inludunt. [35] Sogdianam regionem mihi attribuis, totiens rebellem et non modo indomitam, sed quae ne subigi quidem possit. Mittor ad feras bestias, praecipitia ingenia sortitas. Sed, quae [p. 256] ad me pertinent, transeo. [36] Philippi milites sporn is, oblitus, nisi hic Atarrhias senex iuniores pugnam detrectantes revocasset, adhuc nos circa Halicarnasum haesuros fuisse. [37] Quomodo igitur Asiam totam cum istis iunioribus subegisti? Verum est, ut opinor, quod avunculum tuum in Italia dixisse constat, ipsum in viros incidisse, [38] te in feminas.’ Nihil ex omnibus inconsulte аc temere iactis regem magis moverat quam Parmenionis cum honore mentio inlata. Dolorem tamen repressit, contentus iussisse, ut convivio excederet. [39] Nec quicquam aliud adiecit quam forsitan eum, si diutius locutus foret, exprobraturum sibi fuisse vitam a semetipso datam: [40] hoc enim superbe saepe iactasse. Atque illum cunctantem adhuc surgere, qui proximi ei cubuerant, [41] iniectis manibus iurgantes monentesque cоnabantur abducere. Clitus cum abstraheretur, ad pristinam vinolentiam ira quoque adiecta suo pectore tergum illius esse defensum, nunc, postquam tanti meriti praeterierit tempus, etiam memoriam invisam esse proclamat. [42] Attali quoque caedem obiciebat et ad ultimum Iovis, quem patrem sibi Alexander adsereret, oraculum eludens veriora se regi quam patrem eius respondisse dicebat. [43] Iam tantum irae conceperat rex, quantum vix sobrius ferre potuisset. Enimvero olim mero sensibus victis ex lecto repente prosiluit. [44] Attoniti amici ne positis quidem, sed abiectis poculis consurgunt in eventum rei, quam tanto impetu acturus esset, intenti. [45] Alexander rapta lancea ex manibus [p. 257] armigeri Clitum adhuc eadem linguae intemperantia furentem percutere conatus a Ptolomaeo et Perdicca inhibetur. [46] Medium conplexi et obluctari perseverantem morabantur, Lysimachus et Leonnatus etiam lanceam abstulerant: [47] ille militum fidem inplorans conprehendi se a proximis amicorum, quod Dareo nuper accidisset, exclamat signumque tuba dari, ut ad regiam armati coirent, iubet. [48] Tum vero Ptolomaeus et Perdiccas genibus advoluti orant, ne in tam praecipiti ira perseveret spatiumque potius animo det: omnia postero die iustius executurum. [49] Sed clausae erant aures obstrepente ira: itaque inpotens animi procurrit in regiae vestibulum et vigili excubanti hasta ablata constitit in aditu, quo necesse erat his, qui simul cenaverant, egredi. [50] Abierant ceteri, Clitus ultimus sine lumine exibat: cum rex, quisnam esset, interrogat. Eminebat etiam in voce sceleris, quod parabat, atrocitas. [51] Et ille iam non suae, sed regis irae memor Clitum esse et de convivio exire respondit. [52] Haec dicentis latus hasta transfixit morientisque sanguine adspersus: ‘I nunc,’ inquit, ‘ad Philippum et Parmenionem et Attalum.’

  I. ALEXANDER, having brought the rock under his sway with more fame than glory, divided the army into three parts, since the roving nature of the enemy made it necessary for him to spread his forces about. He gave the lead of one part to Hephaestion, of a second to Coenus, and he himself commanded the [2] third. But the barbarians were not all of the same mind; some were subdued by his arms, still more submitted without a contest. To the latter he ordered to be assigned the cities and lands of those [3] who had persisted in rebellion. But the Bactriani who had been dispossessed devastated, in company with 900 horsemen of the Massagetae, the neighbouring villages. To check them, Attinas, the governor of that region, led out 300 horsemen, being unaware
of the ambuscade that was being laid.