The Benn Diaries: 1940-1990

by Benn, Tony

  Thursday 5 July

  Rosalind’s funeral. The family have rallied round wonderfully. Hilary’s front garden was covered in wreaths; the one that touched me most was from Dave, the milkman. Hilary’s workmates at ASTMS had sent white roses. There were masses of flowers. It was a boiling hot day.

  At precisely 10.45 the hearse came. On top of the coffin was a lovely wreath of red roses from Hilary.

  When we got to Chiswick cemetery the chapel doors were open and the organ was being played by the head of the music department of Holland Park (Rosalind and Hilary’s old school). Mother read from the Bible, and Peter Retey read a poem by Hartley Coleridge called ‘Early Death’. Ann Morrish read the sonnet ‘Shall I compare thee to a summer’s day’. Stephen played a piece he had composed on the organ. Then Hilary got up and, a few feet from his beloved Rosalind, delivered his beautiful address, without a tremor in his voice. It was perceptive, sensitive, tender and amusing but at no stage was it sentimental.

  Six men including Joshua, Stephen and Hilary and Rosalind’s two brothers carried the coffin to the grave. Mother said, ‘Ashes to ashes, dust to dust’, Hilary tossed some soil in, and we all threw in red roses. It was terribly, terribly sad.

  Thursday 19 July

  Heard that Melissa got a First Class degree from LSE. As soon as the House had voted against hanging – by a majority of 120 – I dashed home and gave her a hug. She was told that she was the first woman for twenty years to get a First in history at LSE, and there had not been a First Class in history there for seven years. She was so excited, we stayed up till 3 in the morning talking.

  Tuesday 31 July

  After a meeting of the Fabian Society Executive, Michael Meacher, Larry Whitty of the GMWU, Brian Sedgemore and I went and bought hamburgers at McDonald’s and sat in the piazza outside Westminster Cathedral. Dusk was just falling, the cathedral was beautifully illuminated and a half-moon rose above it. One felt one was in Istanbul.

  Larry Whitty described the trade union leaders’ attitude. The general line was going to be that all these constitutional questions should be postponed at this year’s Conference and referred to an inquiry.

  Thursday 23 August

  Eighteen copies of the book Chris Mullin has been working on with me, called Arguments for Socialism, arrived today. It is a great moment seeing for the first time a book one has written.

  The Economist had their cover story on me: the article inside said that the Labour Party was bankrupt and that I was filling the vacuum with new ideas (dangerous ideas, of course).

  Sunday 26 August

  Stansgate. Hilary and I had a day out. First we drove to Hatfield to see Ray Buckton, who lives in a delightful 400-year-old thatched cottage which he has renovated.

  Ray told me about the threats to his life during the 1972 and 1974 miners’ strikes (when ASLEF was providing industrial support), and inevitably we went on to talk about the security services. He said that as a result of the threats a chap from Special Branch was attached to him, and he turned out to be the son of a Welsh miner and got to know Ray quite well. He more or less told Ray that some of his telephone calls were being bugged. Ray wondered whether some of the death threats hadn’t been engineered to provide an excuse for his being under surveillance during the dispute.

  He told me there was a right-wing group – including Bill Sirs and Sid Weighell – working hard to gain control of Trade Unionists for a Labour Victory.

  On to Harlow, to Clive Jenkins’s house, where we had arranged to meet Caroline and Stephen. Clive was wearing an apron saying ‘YOU CAN’T BE TOO THIN OR TOO RICH’. His house consists of four cottages knocked into one, in which forty-one people lived before the war. Now it is just he and his wife Moira, and his two children.

  There were guns on display, two wagon wheels at the front and a commemorative plaque of John Milton that he had bought. He was barbecuing sausages; we sat down at 2 and got up at 4.30 after a fantastic lunch of five courses.

  He told me that David Basnett wants Jim to give up the leadership, and in conversation David had asked Clive, ‘Who do you want?’ Clive had replied, ‘Tony Benn.’ On David’s list of candidates are Owen, Healey, Shore and Merlyn Rees. Clive said, ‘David is nervous of you because you are serious’, and implied that David was offering me support for the electoral college if I drop everything else. But what I really care about is the manifesto and accountability: the Party Leader issue won’t make any difference.

  He told me en passant that Tom Jackson had once been in the CP. Clive is full of lots of little stories – he loves exchanging gossip.

  He has been offered a year’s scholarship in Washington, which he can’t take, but he has accepted a six-week stay and they have laid on facilities for him. His attitude is: if it is going, take it.

  Monday 27 August

  Drove to Southend to see Bill Keys of SOGAT. Bill is a nice guy: I don’t know him well but he is passionately in favour of racial equality; he said his experience in the East End of London as a kid had really converted him to that view.

  Bill was terribly friendly. There is no doubt whatever that the trade union leaders, even those who don’t like me very much, see me as a factor in the situation that they have to take seriously.

  Drove home. On the news we heard that Lord Mountbatten and his grandson had been killed in an explosion on a boat off the Sligo coast, close to the border with Northern Ireland. It may have the most tremendous repercussions: the murder of an international figure, the Supreme Allied Commander in South-East Asia during the war, a Viceroy of India, a member of the royal family, is going to make people think again about Northern Ireland. The whole world will discuss this particular event and I think it may be a turning point.

  Tuesday 11 September

  Went up to Corby by train for a demonstration by steelworkers. Before the war, Stewart and Lloyd, the private steel owners, discovered low-grade iron ore in Northamptonshire and built Corby up over twenty years into the biggest steel plant in Europe, attracting people from all over the world; 72 per cent of the workers were from Scotland. The workforce lived in camps until about ten years ago when they started building up the new town. But Corby was always a one-industry town. Now the plant, at least the iron- and steel-making part, is under threat of closure.

  I couldn’t tell them, but the Labour Cabinet had decided in February this year to support the closure of Corby. These guys are now faced with the possibility of 30 per cent male unemployment, and they have called in the Labour Party to help them fight. An awful irony; I felt tremendously guilty.

  Wednesday 12 September

  At 3.30 I went to see Jim Callaghan; I had suggested we had a word before Conference. He’s in his new room, in the Serjeant-at-Arms’s old flat.

  I tried to be friendly and said I hoped he would be safe when he goes to Ireland because I had read that he might be in danger after the Mountbatten business. He wasn’t too concerned but he said, ‘Poor old Roy Mason is deeply worried; he has absolutely maximum security but still he’s afraid of what they’ll do to him.’ I sympathise with him.

  I had decided that I would talk about how we could make Conference the launching pad for the Party’s winter campaign against the Tories. We had to have a really good programme with the TUC for economic and social advance and jobs. I didn’t want him to think I was concerned only with the internal Party democracy issues.

  ‘Well,’ said Jim, ‘we have to be realistic about public expenditure; we do need more productivity in British industry.’ He just gave the old Thatcher/Healey view.

  We came to the question of Conference’s power over policy, and he said the Party would split over it. I declared, ‘Jim, you’ve had more experience of this than I have but the situation is nothing like 1951 or 1959.’

  ‘For the first time in my life,’ he said, ‘the trade unions are openly talking about disaffiliating from the Party. And take this Militant group. I am very worried. If you saw the reports I am getting’ (presumably security
reports) ‘you’d realise what a danger it is.’

  I remarked, ‘Is it any different from the Bevanites, or the Tribune Group, Victory for Socialism or CND? I don’t think so. No one group has ever got hold of the Labour Party.’ I was more concerned with the Reg Prentices and Dick Tavernes.

  ‘It is very regrettable what they’ve done.’

  Jim is obsessed with the Left. On the Conference, he agreed that reselection could be discussed. He had an open mind on the question of the electoral college – of course Healey wouldn’t become Leader if there was a college. On the drafting of the manifesto, he would not accept the proposed changes. ‘I must warn you I have a quote here on the subject from Keir Hardie that I shall use. If you press this today you’ll be in real trouble.’

  ‘You know my view, Jim. Conference must be free to decide.’

  ‘Maybe I didn’t handle the NEC very well on the manifesto issue but I will not allow this to happen. I may have been obstinate but the Lords issue was absolutely wrong.’

  He told me he had seen my picture on the front of the Economist and had thought to himself: There’s a man who has really got a great section of the Party behind him; why doesn’t he use his influence? and so on. He accepted that I didn’t want to be Leader, and I said, ‘If I did, I’d be a bloody fool to be saying what I’m saying now because it’s alienating a lot of people.’

  There was one amusing exchange. Jim said I was more devious than I admitted. I reminded him that he had once told me he wasn’t as nice as he looked, and I said I wasn’t as nice as I looked either.

  Wednesday 26 September

  Julie and I are absolutely swamped by letters – they are just pouring in. I don’t know how to cope with it all.

  Tonight is ‘The Parkinson Show’, and Caroline and the children gave me lots of advice about how to handle it.

  I was picked up at 5 by Anne McDermid and Chris Mullin and we went to the studio. I had never met Michael Parkinson before and I liked him immediately. He’s a very agreeable and intelligent guy. The actor Stewart Granger and the show jumping commentator Dorian Williams were the other guests.

  We did a run-through and then I was interviewed alone for half an hour. It was a delight; Michael was so friendly. He asked how it felt to be the bogeyman, and I said it had nothing to do with me. He asked about the Conference amendments and resolutions and I explained them. Would there be a split? No. Then he asked about Father and the peerage case and I dealt with that. He finally came back to the Conference and asked if I thought we’d win. I said yes, I thought this view would prevail.

  In fact it was the best TV interview I have done. About 8 million people watch it, I believe.

  Eric Heffer, Frances, Mother and Dave all rang later to say how good the programme was.

  Sunday 30 September – Labour Party Conference, Brighton

  Press coverage very hostile to me. Hilary arrived from London and I gave him a big kiss.

  At lunch, who should Barbara Castle bring along but Janet Brown, who does the brilliant impersonation of Mrs Thatcher. She was all dressed up like Mrs Thatcher, and a lot of photos were taken, including one with me.

  Mik said today, ‘I expect a thousand people have told you but you were brilliant on Parkinson.’ I felt that programme was a turning point.

  Hilary went off to the Common Market Safeguards Committee AGM. He was introduced as a councillor and got a tremendous reception. Afterwards I was told by Jack Watson, who clutched me by both arms, that Hilary had made a great impression, and Ron Leighton told me that he eclipsed me. I was so proud.

  At 2.30 I went to the NEC meeting to consider our position on the resolutions to Conference.

  After some attempts to muddle the issues, I won the vote 15 to 11 recommending Conference to take the constitutional amendments.

  I then moved the Coventry South West resolution from Victor Schonfield and the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy on mandatory reselection of MPs.

  Shirley said, ‘This removes all safeguards for Members – an MP isn’t even given notice if he or she is removed.’

  ‘Shirley is absolutely wrong,’ I insisted. ‘She doesn’t understand it. If you have a selection conference you are not removing any safeguards because there are none.’

  Jim said, ‘I can only tell you it won’t stand up, it won’t last. MPs do a job of work. What about the Militants who are taking over the management committees in the small inner-city constituency parties?’

  A vote to accept the resolution from Coventry South West was carried by 15 to 9.

  On the manifesto there was a long and complicated discussion, but in the end the constitutional amendment to Clause 5 that I had drafted and moved (and that had gone through the July Executive by 9 to 8) was defeated by 14 to 12 because Alex Kitson voted against it on behalf of the TGWU, and Doug Hoyle voted against it on behalf of ASTMS. So two important unions defeated us.

  The composite resolution calling for an electoral college in principle was carried by 20 votes to 3.

  We won on six out of nine votes. A marvellous success for us.

  The NEC considered the rest of the composite resolutions, and then I caught a taxi to the Institute for Workers’ Control fringe meeting on accountability versus patronage.

  Tuesday 2 October

  It was Jim’s speech today, and he was quieter than I expected, amusing and light-hearted. It was effective, to be candid. He robustly defended the Government’s achievements and attacked those who had attacked him. He warned against the constitutional changes, and talked about internationalism and compassion. No socialist content whatever, of course.

  But it was warmly received, and I did get up for the standing ovation at the end. Joan Lestor turned to me and said, ‘What a scandalous thing to do’, and I said, ‘Not in the slightest. I served in his government and I respect him.’ I am rather fond of Jim anyway.

  In the afternoon Conference debated the constitutional resolutions. On the election of the Party Leader through an electoral college, the AUEW had split and voted against. It made all the difference, because with the AUEW vote we would have passed the resolution. But the fixers won’t win. We’ll come back next year and put it right. I went out while the result was being read out; I didn’t want to hear.

  I came back in for the debate on the mandatory reselection of MPs. Mik made a good speech, and Eric Heffer wound up, with quite a lot of barracking from the floor. It was an angry Conference, with the PLP and trade union sections pitched aganst the constituency Labour parties. When the vote was taken it was 4 million to 3 million for composite 33, which instructed the Conference Arrangements Committee to put immediately to the Conference the amendment to the Party constitution. This amendment provided for reselection of MPs once in every Parliament and this was carried by a majority of 2 million.

  So the efforts of the Right have failed. It has been the most amazing campaign, and after five years of hard work we’ve carried it through. The MPs will just have to accept it. It means there are 635 vacancies for candidates in the next Parliament. MPs will have to take notice of their GMCs.

  Wednesday 3 October

  Frances and Francis and I went over my speech to Conference for this afternoon. It didn’t look very good on paper, but then they never do.

  To the conference hall, and the first debate was on the manifesto – the composite resolution calling for constitutional amendments to be put before the 1980 Conference to give control of the manifesto to the NEC alone. It was proposed by Stuart Weir of Hackney South and Shoreditch CLP, and we won by almost a million votes. Amazing when you think the matter was first raised by me only in June at the NEC’s Home Policy Committee. Although we didn’t get the constitutional change itself through, we got a clear statement of how it was to be organised.

  Friday 5 October

  A month ago I never expected we’d achieve any of these things. The PLP is absolutely furious. There will now be a major attempt by the Right to oust Jim Callaghan, partly because they’ll
say he wasn’t strong enough to beat the Left, but also because they only have a year to get Denis Healey elected by the PLP before any rule changes occur.

  Thursday 15 November

  To Bristol and in the hotel I heard the most sensational news bulletin. Sir Anthony Blunt, the Adviser for the Queen’s Pictures, knighted in the 1970s, was revealed as the ‘fourth man’ in the Burgess/Maclean/Philby spy ring. He confessed in 1964 to having been a Russian spy and was protected, and knighted after that. Now he’s been stripped of his knighthood and he’s left the country.

  All this came out in the Commons in a written answer from Mrs Thatcher, but that means it was known to the 1964–70 Labour Government, the Heath Government and the 1974–79 Labour Government. If Andrew Boyle had not given this away in his book The Climate of Treason it would have never been revealed. Amazing. It shows again that the British Establishment trusts the upper class to be reliable without vetting, whereas Philip Agee or Aubrey, Berry and Campbell are outlaws, hounded and treated quite differently. Incidentally, had the Official Secrets Act been amended as is now proposed, Andrew Boyle would be liable to prosecution for publishing this.

  The minimum lending rate has gone up to 17 per cent; this will lead to bankruptcies on a large scale and unemployment.

  Friday 16 November

  It appears that Prime Ministers from Home onwards were not told by the security services about Blunt, and therefore the key question is whether there was a secret state within a state which was not under democratic control.

  Tuesday 20 November

  Blunt is to give a press conference today. When you consider that his ‘offence’ ended in 1945 it is hard to see him dragged through the mire.

  On the 1 o’clock news Blunt was shown being cross-examined by a small group of journalists on behalf of the BBC and ITN. He came over with some distinction really. He said he’d put conscience above the law and his loyalty to his country, and he regretted it, but that was his explanation. Nothing had happened since the war, he claimed, and all he’d done was to hand over military intelligence about the Germans to the Russians – nothing that put our own security at risk. It’s a very interesting story and I asked the Speaker this morning if I could speak in the debate tomorrow. Mrs Thatcher announced that business would be postponed to debate the Blunt affair.