A Mighty Endeavor

by Stuart Slade

  “But it our political and economic strength we must attend to. That is why we will be suggesting that the great Hong Kong trading groups consider moving their headquarters to Bangkok. With Britain surrendering to the Germans, Hong Kong will not remain out of Japanese hands for long. The Hongs will be looking for a new home and we need to get them here. For that, we have to make many changes. We have telegraph connections in-country and a spur line down to Singapore. We must spend all the money we need to need to in order to make those telegraph connections as good as any in the world. With Britain out, India and Australia will be separated greatly in distance. We can become the bridge between them.”

  “When one village has fish but no rice, and the other has rice but no fish, great wealth will not come to either village but to the man who builds a bridge between them.” Field Marshall Plaek quoted the Thai proverb thoughtfully. He could see where she was going with this. “But this depends on India and Australia staying in the war.”

  “It does, and that is the first obstacle that we must overcome. But, if they do, then the center of Indian mass in particular is here.” Her finger tapped a map. “In Singapore. India must retain the great fortress of Singapore. But, it is an indefensible fortress against land attack. If the enemy holds the Malayan peninsula, Singapore will fall. The front line of defense for Singapore is not here at the Johore Strait, but here.”

  Her finger moved and tapped the Mekong River. “And that makes us a very valuable ally for the Indians. An ally who will link us to the Americans again.”

  “If India stays in the war.”

  “Exactly, Field Marshal. If India stays in the war.”

  Conference Room, Government House, Calcutta, India

  “Does anybody have any idea what is going on?” Victor Alexander John Hope, 2nd Marquess of Linlithgow and Viceroy of India since 18 April 1936, was mightily offended. He had been the driving force behind the implementation of the plans for local self-government embodied in the Government of India Act of 1935. Those provisions had led to government led by the Congress Party in five of India’s eleven provinces. He had been quietly proud of that achievement. Yet he had torn it down when his appeal for unity in the face of Britain’s declaration of war on Germany resulted in the resignation of the Congress ministries. He got his Indian declaration of war on Germany at the cost of seeing his life’s work and proudest moments destroyed. Now, Britain had surrendered and nobody had even bothered to tell him what was happening or why it had taken place. It was an insult of monumental proportions and the Marquess of Linlithgow was not a man who forgot gratuitous insults.

  “Your Excellency, there is no word at all from London. It is as if London has completely forgotten about us. I have heard from Prime Minister Robert Menzies in Australia, for all the good that has done us. The Australians have heard nothing either and they are not best pleased by the fact. Their National Party has paid a political price for entering the war on Britain’s side and to be left in the dark like this is unconscionable. It has insulted them, My Lord.” Gerald Tarrant, Private secretary to the Viceroy, spoke sadly. “They found out the same way we did, by hearing it on the World Service news broadcast.

  “Outrageous. Sir Martyn, has the word spread to the Congress Party yet?”

  The remark was addressed to Sir Martyn Sharpe, Assistant Secretary for Domestic Affairs and a protege of the Marquess. Sir Martyn’s official duties were to look after the routine activities of his Department. In reality, his job was to maintain relations with the Indian politicians in the Congress Party. It was the kind of unofficial, back-door communications channel that the British seemed to thrive upon. One uniquely suited to India’s environment. In the frantic hours that had passed since the news had been broadcast, Sir Martyn had spoken, on an entirely unofficial basis of course, with Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, leader of the Congress Party. That conversation had not been helpful in maintaining his tranquility.

  “Your Excellency, I can quote the initial reaction of the Congress Party to this meeting. Their position is and I do quote exactly, ‘You have lost the war you forced on us, now you can leave while we make peace. Next week will be soon enough.’ They offer us help in packing our bags and making our way to the railway station.”

  “Damned cheek.” Tarrant growled to nobody in particular.

  “Gerry, they have to say that. Their own membership will tear them apart if they said anything else. Their real position is held within those two words: ‘next week’. They want to find out what the hell is going on as well before they commit themselves.”

  Lord Linlithgow frowned at Sir Martyn’s final choice of words, but let the matter pass. Everybody was frustrated and edgy from the knowledge that great things were afoot and they knew nothing of them. “I suppose it was inevitable they would demand peace. They never wanted a part of this war in the first place.”

  “They never wanted into this war, that is true, Your Excellency. To be honest, your decision to take us in was almost as offensive to them as we have found London’s treatment of us has been. That point was made, quite gently I may say, by Nehru who described the situation as ‘Karmic Justice’.”

  A smattering of laughter ran around the room. Lord Linlithgow shook his head, “I can see their point on that. In retrospect, I think the Indian declaration of war was not one of my better hours.”

  Privately, Sir Martyn agreed, but he was not going to say so. “Nevertheless, India is at war and I suspect that having found themselves in it, they do not want out of it at the abrupt and unsolicited command of a dubiously legitimate Prime Minister in London. They want to end the war by their own hand and leave it with their heads held high. To accept this diktat from London would leave them crawling way like whipped dogs. They, also, are offended, Your Excellency. Their offer to help us pack our bags and make our way to the railway station should be seen in that light. It isn’t cheek, Gerry; it’s their way of telling us they want to work with us on our departure, not against us.”

  There was a learned nodding of heads around the conference table. Subtle meanings attached to apparently inconsequential words were meat and drink for those present. There was a wealth of experience in doing just that around the table.

  “Which takes us to the next question.” Harold Hartley, known to all as HH, asked the obvious question. “Are we still at war with Germany?”

  “That, at least, I can answer.” Lord Linlithgow answered firmly. “India is a Dominion, not a colony. We declared war by our decision; we end that war by our decision. We may take our lead from London, if they deign to give us one, but the decision is made here, not there. And so, the answer is a clear yes. We are still at war with Germany and will remain so until we, or our successors, decide otherwise.”

  “That also is the Australian position, your Excellency. Prime Minister Menzies points out that Australia had its reasons for declaring war and that those are not necessarily changed by a British surrender.” Tarrant relayed that input with a certain level of relish.

  “That is absurd.” Sir Richard Graham Cardew, the Cabinet Secretary, had gone bright red. “If the India Office commands, then it is our part to obey. The final authority lies there, not here.” Cardew was one of the oldest men at this table; his experience over the last 30 years had formed his opinions and attitudes to the point where they were set in stone.

  “That may have been the case once, Sir Richard; it is not now. India a Dominion heading towards independence.”

  “Never!” Cardew’s interruption was explosive.

  “Inevitably, Sir Richard, and I will thank you not to interrupt me again. India is inevitably heading towards independence and most of us will live to see that day. The question is not whether independence will happen, but when and under what terms. Do we simply walk out and leave or do we arrange a slow and gracious hand-over of power? Sir Martyn, in your experience, what is the Congress Party position on this? Their real position, not the one for public consumption.”

  Sir Martyn though
t carefully. “Their various demands that we should simply leave now are indeed for public consumption. Or, perhaps I should say, to the rank and file membership of their party for whom they have to display a continued militancy. Their real position is that they are prepared to accept an interim regime provided there is a steady visible transfer of power. I except Gandhi from this of course; he demands we quit now and he means every word of it. The wretched man is quite impossible, I fear. But, your Excellency, an early casualty of that transfer process will have to be your own position. The place you occupy must be occupied by an Indian. Probably Nehru. And membership of the Commonwealth is a likely casualty also. Not in the immediate future, perhaps, but at some time, an independent India will sever relations there.”

  “That is outrageous. You betray us, Sir Martyn.” Cardew was deep crimson and appeared on the verge of a stroke.

  “Sir Richard, I have warned you before about interrupting others here. Once more and I will ask you to withdraw.”

  “There is no need for that, Your Excellency. I will not stay here and listen to treason.” Cardew flung his chair back and stormed out of the cabinet room. The crash as the door closed behind him caused the papers on the great conference table to flutter. Lord Linlithgow raised an eyebrow at the disturbance.

  “Pray continue, Sir Martyn. I find your insight most important.”

  “Well, your Excellency, the position of an Indian as a replacement for the Viceroy is essential for any agreement on a transition. It will be a sign of real power and authority that will cause the rank and file of the Congress Party to accept much else. Leaving the Commonwealth will be more of a symbolic gesture, especially in the light of today’s events. It will be a dramatic breaking of ties that will also justify much else. It may even make acceptable India staying in the war. There is an interesting aside to that question; we speak of India’s membership of the Commonwealth but what of the position of Britain? Is the government in London the legitimate government of Britain? If so, should it remain in the Commonwealth? If it is not, and there forms a Government in Exile, should not that entity be the legitimate representative of the British people within the Commonwealth?”

  “It is lucky that Sir Richard stormed out after all. Had he heard you say that, he would now be dead on the floor from apoplexy and poor old HH here would have weeks of paperwork to do.” Linlithgow looked around the room.

  “In that event, I would feel it my duty to offer him every assistance within my power. But, your Excellency, my point remains; Congress can be persuaded to stay in the war.”

  “You believe that’s essential, don’t you?” Linlithgow’s voice had a note of sympathy within it. He was well aware that Sir Martyn’s wife was Jewish. Indeed, that was one factor that had influenced him in placing his trust with the man. Somebody who had the strength of character to do what he felt was right despite the possible effects on his career and the unspoken but very real social objections to the marriage also had the strength to do his work well.

  “I do, Your Excellency. There are some things that are such incarnate evil that any decent man should stand against them regardless of the price the act must demand. I believe that Prime Minister Churchill understood that.”

  The Marquess of Linlithgow nodded. “And so does the Viceroy of India.”

  Cabinet Office, 10 Downing Street, London

  “Is there no sign of Mister Churchill?”

  Sir Edward Bridges needlessly consulted the reports he had received and shook his head. “We traced him as far as Oxford and then kept all the roads out of Oxford under surveillance, but I fear Winston was not detected by any of the patrols. I can only presume that he is still in Oxford.”

  “That would be uncharacteristic of the man. He was always one for action, no matter how ill-advised. He will be on the move. With his affection for the French, he will choose to go there. Are all the roads south from Oxford under surveillance?”

  “They are, Prime Minister. But, how completely that surveillance has been maintained is another matter entirely. We British do not have an overweening police force. We do not even see the need to arm our police. As an orderly people used to the rule of law, we do not have the need for either large numbers of police or to have them armed. In this case, to maintain surveillance of all the thoroughfares, ranging from the trunk roads to farm lanes, is beyond them. And then there are the trains, of course.”

  Halifax drummed his fingers impatiently. “It is apparent, I think, that a small, well-trained police force as we have now is an estimable thing indeed. But the times have changed and many pairs of eyes will be needed on our streets. We must be ready to reinforce our existing police force with an auxiliary police unit, one whose loyalty can be absolutely guaranteed.”

  “I do not think the British people will take kindly to the return of the black-and-tans, Prime Minister.”

  Halifax looked shocked. “Sir Edward, I mean no such thing. Placing a paramilitary force on the streets would be an outrage. I simply mean recruiting well-meaning citizens to assist our existing police force and provide a presence where otherwise limited numbers would preclude the police from doing so themselves. I wish the Home Office to see to the formation of such a unit immediately.”

  And to hell with the Cabinet or any form of consultation, thought Bridges. If this isn’t going to turn into a paramilitary force on the streets, then nothing will. He had a decision to make, one that had kept him awake almost all the previous night. There were a considerable number of very senior civil servants abroad at the moment, including a large party in Canada and the United States. They had been discussing arms purchases and other war material acquisition programs with American businessmen, all with the aim of ensuring American industrial support for the faltering British war machine. There were already discrete warnings that none of those men would be returning to Britain. Indeed, the words ‘Government in Exile’ had also been whispered. All they needed was a figurehead and support from the Dominions and the threat could become real.

  Was it a threat? Bridges had to ask himself that question. If it is, should I be part of it? Should I drop my position here, the authority I have and the influence I have built in exchange for a life of exile? He thought of his house, his gardens and his beloved fishpond. Should I abandon those with a strong possibility of never seeing them again? There was another problem, or, rather, another aspect to the choice. He was well aware of Lord Halifax’s limitations. The man was an appeaser, a temporizer, a man who tended to agree with whoever he was speaking to. Bridges had a strong feeling that Butler, now Foreign Secretary in Halifax’s place, had been a much stronger driving force behind the coup than he admitted.

  Bridges stopped himself sharply. Coups didn’t happen in Great Britain; they were the preserve of small, far-off countries that mattered little in the scheme of things. But how else would one describe what had happened the day before? Bridges guessed that if he threw in his lot with those who had decided to refuse the call home, Halifax would be surrounded by those whose beliefs had caused this situation. Do I, Bridges, not owe it to the country to remain here, to keep the country running smoothly and to avoid the excesses that would otherwise surely take place?

  “Well, Sir Edward?” Halifax sounded annoyed.

  Bridges shook himself free from his mental debate and postponed it for another time. “An excellent idea, Prime Minister. I will set the necessary wheels in motion. Now, Prime Minister, there is the problem of the Dominions. They still have had no official word of what has happened here. We need to brief them on what has happened and why and we need to ask them to follow our lead in accepting the terms of the Armistice. We need to give the impression at least that we are consulting with them on this matter.”

  “There is nothing to consult about and nothing to discuss. The terms of the Armistice are binding upon them as much as they are upon us here. They will obey them.” Lord Halifax crossed his arms, right hand over his withered left arm. It was an intimidating pose from a Prime M
inister. In common with any civil servant, Bridges was skilled at reading body language. Halifax was signalling that his mind was closed to any argument. Nevertheless, Bridges felt honor bound to give it one more try.

  “Prime Minister, this may be true with regard to the colonies that are ruled directly from London. But with the Dominions, we are dealing with essentially independent states that are self-governed. They declared war on Germany on their own account and they will make peace on their own account. We must go through the motions of discussing the situation with them. We must explain ourselves and convince them that ours is the route to follow. A blunt order from us is by far the least effective means of gaining their compliance. Our relations with them have a certain level of choreography. We ask them and they oblige. We make a discrete suggestion and they, after some thought, agree. If, by chance we must step on their toes we beg pardon and they smile and dismiss it as being of no consequence. But sadly when we give direct orders they tell us to go boil our heads. If you wish to count upon Imperial support for the actions you have taken, then I strongly urge you allow the Colonial and Dominion Offices to reopen communications and that we consult with them.”

  “We shall indeed do that, Sir Edward. The Colonial and Dominion Offices will communicate the terms of the Armistice with Germany that we have signed and they will be informed that these terms are binding upon them also. The matter is settled; there is no need for additional consultation. We will hold them responsible for completing their part in the terms we have found acceptable. There is no need for weakness in this matter.”

  Sir Edward Bridges was aghast. “Prime Minister, I must protest. A preemptory message of the kind you propose will have the most disastrous of effects upon our relations with the Dominions. A conciliatory tone, a gesture of consideration need not imply any irresolution on our part, only a desire to resolve what amounts to a very inconvenient situation for everyone. It will even be seen as a sign of strength, that we consider our position to be so secure and well-founded that it will withstand any objection made to it. We cannot drive the Dominions, Sir. We must lead them.”