by Dan Donovan
A considerable amount of additional preparation began by nightfall on the 20th. The Pentagon had already achieved a higher level of preparedness than outlined by the prior Administration (based on the Joint Chiefs’ belief that the new National Command Authority would support a robust counter-action); when President Stratton said “go” U.S. forces were not starting from square one. Virtually none of this activity was visible to the public. President Stratton in a series of telephone calls to key figures in the media constructed a wall of silence around the developing rescue operation. The media was offered complete background information on the condition that nothing be released until after the situation had been resolved.
On January 28th all was ready. A U.S. naval task force ar-rived off the coast of Acapulco. A helicopter carrier held an array of troop-carrying craft for deploying special warfare units and transferring out rescued civilians. An aircraft carrier was to be the launching pad of the task force’s striking power.
The previous night a commando team had infiltrated the hotel, making their way to the fifth floor (where the women were being held) and the sixth floor (where the men were held). Four commandos went to each of these locations and hid, waiting for the attempt. Altogether there were three dozen gunmen in the building. Most were on the ground floor, with a dozen spread among the hostage groups. A handful was stationed on the roof as lookouts. Various helicopters had been flying above the city, at all hours, for the previous ten days; therefore, when four large choppers swept across the sky at 2 am the lookouts did not pay them undue attention. The craft went past the hotel and headed in-land. A rumble of thunder, or so it seemed, came from the ocean. In fact, the noise was generated by four ground-support A-10 Warthogs from the U.S. Air Force. Strapped under their wings were precision-guided stun bombs. They flew in from the sea, with their targets set as the Hilton’s ground floor and roof.
When the lookouts turned towards the sound of the planes the helicopters landed and discharged 50 soldiers. Before any warning could be given a stun bomb from an A-10 exploded in the midst of the lookouts. The terrorists on the ground floor were caught in a cross-fire of such devices, which crashed in through all the windows. On the floors above hostages and gunmen were jolted as concussions rocked the structure. The American commandos emerged from hiding and efficiently dispatched the disorganized terrorists.
The ground floor was soon swarming with the newly arrived troopers, who wasted little time arguing with any gunman witless enough to resist surrender. No hostages were injured, and only half a dozen members of the rescue force sustained injuries. Of the terrorists three were killed, while most of the others received various injuries in the assault.
Additional troops and helicopters arrived shortly, and by noon all of the former hostages had been transported to either of the carriers stationed off-shore. The commanding officer of the task force notified the Mexican officials who arrived at the Hilton that all of the terrorists were in American custody and would be brought to the U.S. for trial. Some officials attempted to protest citing jurisdiction to no avail. President Stratton met all the rescued holiday-makers two days later at a reception in Washington.
Mexico faded from the headlines as February progressed into March. Yet the underlying social turmoil was taking a toll on the nation. People desparate to escape the poverty, crime and corruption spawned by the MPR era had for years been flooding into the southwestern corner of the United States. President de Valera sought to bring about reform, but the lingering influence of the MPR fought him every step of the way. However, as an institution, the MPR was beginning to disassemble. It had long been held together by a network of patronage, graft and strong-arm threats. The party’s loss of the Presidency and Congress was a further weakening of its control of local bosses. Three of the six Mexican States bordering the U.S. were nominally MPR-held. In reality these States were controlled by offshoots of the Durango cartel specializing in smuggling drugs and people across the border. Local mayors on the U.S. side were demanding that the Stratton Administration declare a state of emergency and seal the border with Federal soldiers. The volume of refugees had dipped for a while immediately after de Valera‘s inauguration, but the hostage drama stirred fears of further violence. Entire families were a common sight among the renewed surge of desparate people seeking entrance to America, one way or another.
A rapid-response shuttle service developed as U.S. immi-gration officers detained a growing percentage of this human tide, and returned them to Mexico on an expedited basis. In turn, Mexican security officials established transit camps for the returnees. The Government did not want to simply put them back on the street fearing these individuals would just head for the border once more. Opposition to the camps came not only from the detainees and civil rights organizations but also from the smugglers. If the Government persuaded people not to flee there would be a substantial drop-off on the gang’s steady income. On several occasions the smugglers attempted to stage a break-out from the camps. While a few people managed to get out most were deterred by the gun battles that erupted between camp guards and smugglers. In response to such tactics President de Valera proposed, and the Congress quickly passed, a “Prevention of Potential Risk” statute. This measure allowed any prosecutor to declare a known criminal as a potential risk, thereby permitting the preventive detention of the suspect. Evidence of past or potential illegal activity, or credible supposition of such potential illegal activity, would then be presented to a judge on a special Federal review panel. If the judge concurred the suspect would be held without bail (or further charges) for six months. At such time the prosecutor could ask for an extension. Civil rights organizations denounced the law, but the Government contended it would only be used against professional criminals. An expected legal challenge would take time to wind its way through the court system; until then the Government was prepared to make full use of the provision.
The cartel expressed its defiance very blatantly. One of the key centers in the smuggling network was the city of Tijuana, in the State of Baja California Norte. The Governor of the State belonged to the anti-MPR coalition. He was a strong supporter of President de Valera and the preventive detention law. On the morning of May 15th the Governor was visiting Tijuana to inspect improvements to a transit center damaged in a break-out attempt a few weeks earlier. As he stepped out of his car, which was parked in front of the camp’s administrator’s office, a series of dull thuds could be heard. Seconds later mortar shells rained down on the car. The Governor and seven people standing nearby were killed instantly; eighteen other people were wounded.
Another series of mortar shells crashed onto the gateway, opening a sizable gap. Swarms of detainees were soon running out of the camp, and blocking all rescue and medical teams from entering. The American city of San Diego is not far away. Frantic telephone calls were made by the city’s Mayor and the Governor of California to the White House demanding immediate help. The Mayor wanted President Stratton to dispatch an Army division to seal the border near the city. Stratton responded by issuing an order placing California’s National Guard under Federal control. These units were then deployed to assist the already in-place Border Patrol officers; the President augmented the Patrol by transferring 100 officers from other sections of the country. An expected surge of refugees did not materialize. Yet politicians and community groups in the four American States bordering Mexico were sending a continuing, and ever more frantic, message to Washington that a long-term solution was needed before a critical scenerio became a catastrophe.
Not to be outdone in this hour of pathos, Canada reasserted itself into the limelight. June 24th, the feast day of John the Baptist—the patron Saint of Quebec—had long been an occasion of patriotic fervor in the Province. With its move towards separatism the day became a focal point in Quebec’s political crisis. Following the December plebiscite the Provincial leadership initially spoke of independence, but later claimed they had not formally declared where the area stood in rel
ationship with Anglo-Canada. They referred to the results as an acknowledgement of the people’s expectation for change. The leaders thought, or hoped, the outcome would spark major concessions by Ottawa. While the Parti Kebec had long demanded separation a detailed plan of action for implementing such action had never been finalized.
Both sides now waited for the other to blink while they both had their eyes shut.
Fearful of more militiant adherents of his Parti Kebec, Premier Pierre Montesquieu finally decided it was time to decide. At a huge rally on June 24th in Quebec City the Premier formally declared Quebec to be a free and independent nation. He said Quebec would apply for membership in the League of Nations, the Organization of Western Hemisphere States and the North American Free Trade Association. He called upon France and the United States to act as guarantors of Quebec’s freedom against “any and all foreign encroachments.” Canada’s Prime Minister, Paul Jennings, revealed his “sorrow” concerning Quebec’s “hasty reaction.” He called for further negotiations between the two societies.
July 1st, the day set aside to celebrate the establishment of the Canadian Confederation, had long not been an occasion of patriotic fervor. A conference in Vancouver sought to have the day observed in a different manner. Having privately warned pm Jennings of their exhausted patience on the matter of Quebec, the Premiers of Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba and Saskatchewan now went public with their displeasure. They scolded Jennings for his lack of assertiveness towards Quebec. They chastised Quebec’s politicians as grand-standing brats. They outlined their responsibilities to the people of their own Provinces, and questioned whether Ottawa was capable of assisting in such obligations. They declared their opposition to any further negotiation unless it was for the sole purpose of re-setting the Confederation. If such a proposal was not unequivocally accepted by Ottawa and Quebec by the end of the month the four Premiers stated they would consider the Confederation irrevocably terminated.
“How can we be party to a nation where the central government refuses to uphold its own laws? How can we be equal partners with a Province that considers equality to be a be-trayal of a ‘special relationship’ it wants but won’t define? We cannot drag our people, the People of The Northern Prairie (a name highlighted in the official press release), down a road of ceaseless political turmoil. If the national partnership does not work—let’s admit it and move on!”
The Premiers would not answer any questions from the as-sembled reporters concerning what they had in mind if Ottawa and Quebec did not favorably respond by August 1st.
What the Premiers had in mind was known to Alex Poller. He was now Chief of Staff to America’s Vice President, Bert Maurus. On the evening of July 1st Poller and Maurus had dinner at the former Governor’s home near Columbus, Ohio. Poller was vacationing there for the Independence Day holiday. After the meal the men adjourned to Maurus’ study while his family went outside to watch a fireworks display.
“Thanks again for inviting me, Bert. It’s always a pleasure meeting Celeste and the kids,” Poller said as they settled into armchairs before a bay window.
“Well, Al, it gives you a chance to see how the other half lives. You know, people who don’t spend 27 hours a day in search of intrique can lead fulfilling lives,” the Vice President replied in a friendly jab at his non-stop aide.
“You may be sorry that I can’t work full-time once you hear the latest,” laughed Poller. “The Canadian Premiers are finally coming around. You’ll remember that I met with them last year for a preliminary review. They were hesitant then, but events have pulled them towards our viewpoint.”
Maurus asked, “Have you had any recent discussions?”
“They expressed-mailed a copy of their statement of earlier today before it went public. The document did not come directly from any of their offices, so for now our contacts are unofficial,” Poller replied.
“How far are they willing to come? Do they expect anything from us?” inquired the Vice President.
Poller stood up and gazed out the window for a moment. Then said, “They’re willing to let Jennings dither away the Confederation. He won’t rap knuckles or knock heads together to save his country. He’d make a lousy hockey player. Too damn Anglo for his own good. I think its time for you, Mr. Vice President, to begin laying the foundation for a formal Administration policy statement. We have to direct the President’s thoughts towards a favorable view on this subject. You can present it as the act of a good neighbor.”
Returning to the chair, Poller continued, “Everything that has happened so far has been totally Canadian in origin… more or less. No one can find our DNA on anything. We must now take a more direct approach. Our point should be that America is willing to assist a valiant people who suddenly find themselves cut adrift. If they should request more than neighborly good wishes so much the better.”
“The President needs to be alerted to this possibility. We don’t want him to spout off some Boy Scout dribble about non-interference. He has to be shown that America’s territorial growth need not be discussed merely in the past tense. We are the New World. We have done more with it, for more people than any other nation. Our neighbors were lucky to hold together this long. Instability is now the number one threat to peace. West Asia and its zealots are the prime example. We must be pro-active in our response to instability on our doorstep.”
With a clap of hands Maurus replied, “Nice little speech. Who said you’re no more than a henchman? The President will be at 1600 all next week. He’s considering a full Cabinet meeting on the topic of our neighbors before he goes off on vacation to the Adirondacks. Prepare your ideas as talking points for me. Make only one copy. Don’t save it on a PC or anything else. We can’t have copies floating around cyperspace.”
“I know how to delete files, Bert. I’m not one of those intern trolls who work in the basement. As you insist, I’ll resort to quill and ink,” answered Poller. “Next week we light the fuse. The fireworks bang will come a little later.” Other fuses were being lit. Other explosions were coming sooner.
If Americans like anything most of all its long holiday week-ends—especially in the Summer. The 4th of July 2009 fell on a Saturday. Gone was the era when this meant a one-day celebration. Casual Fridays had become Casual Half-Day Fridays, and Thursday at noon was now considered the un-official beginning of the weekend getaway for many. This Independence Day was to be a multiple day event, with a noticeable number of workers and executives taking an extended number of personal days.
Mexico’s Durango drug cartel saw this corruption of the work ethic as something they could exploit. Border guards are people too, and the infectious idea of a mega-weekend would enter their minds as well. Especially those unfortunate souls stuck working the late shift on July 4th night. A branch of the cartel planned a major run of drugs and people across the border into Texas that night. Boredom and resentment were seen as aids in dulling the sentries’ alertness.
A joint Border Patrol-Texas Rangers unit, operating out of Laredo, was patrolling a desolate region northwest of the city. Two all-terrain vehicles, each with five men inside, bounced over the landscape headed for an oft-used transit route. A helicopter was available for an overhead view if contact was made. Each member of the unit was equipped with night-vision goggles to cut down on any advantage the moonless sky offered. Around midnight a member of the unit transmitted a message to HQ that a convoy of trucks had been spotted. The unit was advancing and requested that the chopper move up to their GPS co-ordinates.
When the craft arrived the crew witnessed the end stage of a firefight. Their call for back-up was abruptly curtailed. Within a half an hour 40 additional heavily-armed officers were on the scene. They could do nothing to aid their companions, except initiate a bitter manhunt. Twelve Americans had been killed defending their homeland’s border. The ground unit had run into a hailstorm of assault weapons fire and a barrage of RPGs (rocket-propelled grenades). Three cartel vehicles had made the run; one c
ontained drugs, another held people and the lead truck carried well-armed escorts. An unknown number of gunmen piled out of that vehicle to confront the patrol. Some of the Americans never made it out of their SUV. If any gunman was hit the others probably carried him away. The in-coming fire was too intense and unexpected by the Americans. The patrol managed to get off only a few rounds, and had no time to warn the two-man chopper crew. When the helicopter came on the scene it was knocked down by a gunman using a hand-held ground-to-air missile launcher. The cartel’s convoy continued on its way, not choosing to wait for another encounter.
At 5 AM on July 5th President Stratton, Vice President Maurus and all 14 members of the Cabinet met in an emergency session at the White House. The Laredo tragedy was the sole topic of discussion. As they urgently settled in around the large oval table in the Cabinet Room the kitchen staff delivered mugs of coffee or tea and glasses of fruit juice for the attendees.
The President began the meeting with a moment of silent prayer for those murdered the previous night. He then said, “Thank you all for coming here so early. If it’s any consulation I’ve been up since two talking with the JCS Chief and FBI Director Bernice Smyth and also President de Valera. There is a team of senior military officers and FBI Agents on their way to Mexico City to meet with their counterparts. I plan to go to Laredo myself tomorrow to meet members of our security forces there. President de Valera will join me later in Brownsville. We will discuss enhanced co-ordination of our border patrols.”
The Vice President broke in to inject his comments. “I’m sure that I speak for everyone here, Mr. President, when I say—respectfully- that you should chew de Valera’s head off. This outrage is further evidence that Mexico’s days as an organized society are numbered. We can’t rely on their security operatives; you’ve read the same OSS assessments I have. From crossing guards to the General Staff, corruption is pandemic. Whether it’s Durango, the MRP or a freelance hood, money is flowing over and under the table. The only people we can rely on to safeguard our borders are our own guys and gals of the