by Dan Donovan
U.S. military. If it means ignoring a line on a map—let’s make that decision now and get on with the job!”
“Mr. President,” said Secretary of Defense Denise Thomas (Lt. Gen. U.S. Army, retired), “I can understand the Vice President’a passion in light of last night’s horrendous events, but I hope he is not seriously advocating an incursion against a sovereign ally.”
“Well, General,” replied the President, “there are people in this country who would probably agree with Mr. Maurus” (who began a smile which didn’t last) “but, I’m not one of them. Bert, if we go crashing across the border on a bandit-hunt it’s likely to make things worse. Military operations take detailed planning. Moreover, there must be a clear objective along with a dedicated policy commitment to achieve attainable goals. What would you have us do? Venture in five miles? And if we could find an obvious narco-gunman and he pulls back ten miles, do we keep chasing him? The Mexicans will begin to view us as the problem, not the cartel.”
The Vice President, making scant effort to disguise his an-noyance, responded, “We cannot just sit on our butts and do nothing. Talking to the Mexes may soothe their egos, however it’s not providing security to Americans. How do we tell the families of our murdered men that the United States of America is not going to take righteous action because it might offend the sensibilities of some bribe-taking incompetent foreigner?”
“Mr. President, Sir.” It was the Secretary of Energy, a former Congressman from Houston. “In a way I do agree with the basic sentiment of the Vice President’s remarks. American soil, Texas land I might add, has been violated and soaked with the blood of some of our brave men. People are fed up with criminals being pampered by lawyers who think prosecutors violate their clients’ rights by upholding the law. International murderers are not different. Murder is murder. We can’t allow it to go unpunished! What do you think de Valera will do, can do? What does he control other than the room he sits in? It’s time for the posse to saddle up and ride out.”
“Frank, I intend to have a very explicit discussion with President de Valera. I have spoken to him by phone prior to this tragedy. He is straightforward and determined to reform his society. We need his assistance in this endeavor. The Mexican Government realizes it’s in a battle for its very own survival. This nest of thugs seeks to become the dominant power. The cartel has no respect for law. Yet we cannot defend the law by breaking it. The United States will have an appropriate and co-ordinated response with the de Valera Government.”
“In addition,” said the Secretary of State, “I will be meeting with the Foreign Ministers at an OWHS conference the President will call for later today. This type of terrorism is a hemispheric concern. We will obtain the in-put and support of our neighbors in dealing with the crisis.”
“Twelve Americans are dead, Mr. Secretary!” shot back Maurus. “We don’t need permission from anyone to defend ourselves. Talk isn’t going to bring these assassins to justice. I hope this Administration is not going to be as inept as the previous two on foreign policy. Danger is at our doorsteps. Mexico is not the only border issue. We must be prepared to respond to developments in Canada which…”
“Whoa!” snapped President Stratton. “Bert, you’re getting way off the topic. Our priority is resolving the threat posed by the cartel. We will do that in partnership with the Mexican Government. Sec State assures me the Assistant Sec State for North America is in contact with Prime Minister Jennings. That’s all. Their debate on the format of their governing style is Canada’s internal business.”
“Mr. President, we will miss a great…”
“Enough, Bert! We all have important work to do.” Addressing the Cabinet members the President added, “I will appreciate it if you all can draft recommendations on how your Department can participate in dealing with the main and collateral issues related to Mexico. Please have your reply e-mailed to Ann by 9 am tomorrow.” Turning to Anna D‘Florence, his Chief of Staff, the President said, “Then we can see what co-ordination efforts can be implemented.”
“Yes, Mr. President. If all the reports are in on time I’ll have an analysis prepared for you by start of business Tuesday,” the former insurance industry executive replied.
“OK. I’ll see everyone after I return,” Stratton stated as he rose and the session concluded. The Cabinet members quickly departed with a minimum of chatter, after first stopping to shake hands with the President and offering him en-couragement on his trip. Vice President Maurus remained seated for a few minutes then left in a stony silence.
“He insulted me in front of the entire Cabinet!” shouted a visibly irate Bert Maurus. “He asks for advice but ignores anyone who offers an independent view.” Maurus was storming back and forth in his work office at the Naval Observatory, the official residence of America’s Vice President. The main witness to this outburst was Alex Poller.
“Just because he had some shiny baubles on his G.I. Joe outfit doesn’t give him the right to disrespect me. I am the Vice President of the United States of America. I represent a vitally important constituency in this country. He can’t order me around like some damn junior grade lieutenant. He can talk gruff with me, yet what does he propose to do with the Mexes? He wants a nice chat! Americans are being murdered and he’s letting the Foggy Bottom crowd handle our response. Does this guy know what he’s doing?”
Poller did no more than listen as Maurus vented his spleen for the louder part of twenty minutes.
Cory Stratton’s conference with Eduardo de Valera took the form of a two-day mini summit. Day one was spent in Brownsville, Texas; and, the follow-up gathering occurred directly across the border in Matamoros, Mexico. The outcome was predictable, however the occasion enabled the two leaders to obtain a personal sense of each other and establish a friendship. Stratton’s Brooklyn-acquired knowledge of Spanish helped, with only limited need for translation into the form de Valera was aquainted with.
A joint task-force of military, security and judicial officials was established to oversee the response to the cartel’s threat. A reward of $1,000,000 was offered for information leading to the capture of the leader of the Durango Cartel, who used the nom de guerre of El Guadana. Mexico would also begin a sizable sweep by its Army of a wide zone south of the border, with the intent of rooting out suspected cartel sites.
The MPR responded with accusations that de Valera planned to abrogate the Constitution and declare martial law. The party warned of military attacks against those who opposed de Valera. Mexico’s President quickly and emphatically denied and denounced the accusations. He said the gravest threat to freedom was posed by the corruption spawned by the MPR.
One of the party’s Governors, in control of the State of Sonora which borders Arizona, took it upon himself to “prove” the danger of de Valera’s operation. The Governor had in his possession a supply of Mexican Army uniforms and weapons. A detachment of local police were provided with the gear and encouraged to conduct a bit of public disruption. The Governor hoped to embarrass de Valera, forcing him to curtail his alliance with the norte americanos. An ambitious police Captain thought he could expand on his mission, and reap a justifiable reward. The Captain and several of the men under his command did not survive their mission; nevertheless, they left behind grim evidence of the disastrous consequences of dangerous plots.
The ersatz troops, provided with reports on the patterns of the Mexican and American forces in the region, infiltrated Arizona during a brief window in the patrol coverage. The Captain’s intention was to conduct a not-too-violent shoot-up of a small town, leaving a few tell-tale clues before vanishing into the countryside. He chose the town of Sasabe, which is just inside American territory. What he was unaware of as he approached the town was the presence of troopers from a U.S. Army platoon.
One of the platoon’s Jeeps had the misfortune of engine trouble as it passed near Sasabe. The disabled vehicle was towed into the town, and the troops were awaiting the arrival of a mechanic.
The Sergeant was advised by a Major at his base to advance and obtain specific details. A helicopter gunship was on the way, he was told.
When the Sergeant and his men found the invaders they were standing in a cluster in the middle of the street. Their neglect to eliminate the street lights provided sufficient illumination for the Americans. The Sergeant shouted warnings in English and Spanish at the group, ordering them to put down their weapons. Several of the invaders made the fatal mistake of pointing their weapons towards the Americans. A fusillade from the troops ripped into the invaders. Only the gunmen farthest away escaped. They vanished into the night, leaving their trucks and comrades (9 dead, 15 wounded) behind. The Captain was among the fatalities.
Phoenix’s Arizona Republic newspaper declared on its web site within the hour, and in an EXTRA edition published somewhat later:
Sasabe Shoot Out!
U.S. Troops Repel Invaders!
Is War With Mexico Next?
Details came from town residents who called the publication following the one-sided exchange. The Sergeant was interviwed by cell-phone before the Army could order those involved not to comment.
The White House, the State Department and the office of Mexico’s President spent the greater part of the following week in hyper-crisis management mode. When the remnants of the invaders were captured on July 10th by Arizona State Police (the survivors had turned north rather than south in their attempt to escape), they soon related to American authorities what little they knew about the planning of the mission. This, however, was sufficient for Mexican Federal Police to find a trail leading to the Sonora Governor. His body was found in a bedroom of his home. No note was discovered; the autopsy could not confirm whether the single gunshot wound to the head was self-inflicted or not.
In a background report published in the Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch a source, identified only as “close to the Administration” and speaking on condition of anonymity, was quoted as saying “there had been a sharp policy debate prior to Sasabe. A decision to delay a forceful response may have contributed to this tragedy. As a nation we are fortunate that no more American lives were lost to the lawless chaos emanating from Mexico. I don’t know how long the U.S. public will stand for such a negligent lack of leadership.”
The White House Press Secretary gave a terse “no comment” when asked about the report. Vice President Maurus’ reaction to reporters’ inquiries was the same as his reply to President Stratton, “I have no doubt that many citizens agree with that insightful statement. Simply because it was published in an Ohio newspaper doesn’t mean I have to be responsible for putting it there.”
Cory Stratton did not pursue the question of responsibility for the time being; if for no other reason than it was drowned out by a rising chorus of public and Congressional demands for tougher action against the cartel. After consultations with de Valera, additional American and Mexican Army patrols began operating in cross-border joint maneuvers. To ease Mexican anxieties over the presence of American troops inside Mexico, Stratton gave his approval to allowing Mexican troops to enter the United States. Both Presidents understood there was little chance of encountering a cartel base in the immediate area of the border. The troop movements were a show of force and a publicity event for the benefit of citizens and cartel alike.
Stratton was able to defuse the rhetoric on Capitol Hill chiefly through the efforts of the Congressional leadership, who were of course members of his party. It became increasingly difficult to realize that Bert Maurus was also a member of the President’s party. Maurus had decided to stake out a position as irreconcilable advocate for a policy he labled “enhanced defensive deployment.” He argued at Cabinet and National Security Council meetings that the U.S. needed to move beyond reacting to cartel outrages. At one Cabinet gathering the Vice President said, “By waiting for these thugs to show up, and expecting them to meekly surrender is absurd. Mexico’s so-called government has not conclusively proved it can control its own flunkies, never mind the powerful Durango cartel. We have continuing reports of Mexican politicians obstructing the movement of their national troops. Smugglers are still infiltrating our borders from California to Texas. The tragedy of the capsized boat of refugees, ap-parently headed for Florida, is another example of Mexico’s collapse. We cannot wait any longer as the problem comes to us. We need a buffer zone. A safeguard for our citizens. If de Valera’s regime will assist us, so much the better. We should not, however, dismiss my proposal if the Mexes refuse to cooperate. Our obligations are to Americans, not to foreigners who can’t control their own affairs.”
President Stratton privately stated his opposition to such suggestions. His position went public when the Vice President, in direct confrontation to a warning by the President to keep his objections in-house, responded to a reporter’s “How are you today?” question by launching into a bleak warning about American in-action concerning the cartel.
At a ceremony in the Oval Office for the visiting Italian Premier, Tomas La Guidice, President Stratton warned that any attempt by the U.S. to occupy portions of Mexico would result in Americans being viewed as the threat. His voice of reason was applauded on the editorial pages, but the Vice President’s sharp calls for dramatic action gained greater notice in the headlines, the evening news broadcasts, certain web-sites and (in particular) with the glib-tongued talkmeisters of satellite radio. By the end of August a noticeable segment of popular, Congressional and Cabinet opinion began creeping in the direction of Maurus’ “enhanced defensive deployment.”
Not wishing for the planet to become enmeshed in just one crisis, Canada reasserted itself on August 15th. The Premiers of the Northern Prairie Provinces had issued a series of mild-mannered warnings after their initial deadline of August 1st had passed without action by the Ottawa Government. The Premiers now released a policy announcement which brought the nation past the point of possible dissolution. The divorce was presented in terms of abandonment, and a new arrangement was openly wished for.
A new nation-state government (the North Prairie Republic), formed by the collaberation of the four provincial governments, was declared. It viewed itself as being in external association with the Ottawa Government—for the time being. Co-operation would be maintained on social priority matters—food, fuel, transportation, communications and the like. However, political and taxation links were severed. The NPR chided Ottawa for reneging on its obligations, and reaffirmed its own commitment to the needs of the region’s citizens. An acknowledgement was made to the difficulties the North Prairie Republic, as a mini-State, would face in a global market economy. A call was issued for interested parties to attend a conference scheduled for the following month. The Premiers of the NPR (the new government had a collective leadership) would then address the issue of a new strategic partnership. In response to reporters’ inquiries the Premiers declared their willingness to consider any reasonable alliance, but stated it was not likely that a revised Canadian confederation could be formed. They also welcomed any interest the Yukon or Inuit territories would have in associating with the NPR. The four did admit, after repeated prodding by the reporters, that the most practical option would involve the United States.
A White House Divided
WITHIN A WEEK Mexico had reclaimed the media spotlight. On August 21st a protest march by a few hundred demonst
rators took place in Mexico City. The marchers called for an end to what thcey saw as an American invasion of their homeland. Their chants were appeals for the release of all “prisoners of war”; the captives in question were known members of the cartel. It was not until the crowd approached the American Embassy that any trouble occurred. The chants became rants. The appeals for freedom became accusations of war crimes. From somewhere in the gathering Molotov cocktails were hurled against the embassy’s gate. Within a few minutes a large force of police came on the scene, and attempted to clear the street. The protestors refused to move, and sat down in defiance of an order to disperse. Moments later the crowd was scattering in panic. Shots had been fired and fighting erupted on the line where police and demonstrators met. An official inquiry later reported that there were too many conflicting accounts on the origins of the gunshots to reach a definitive conclusion. Although no one was reported hit, rumors swept the city within hours that two marchers had been killed. The police and the Americans were blamed and accused of having burned and hidden the bodies. The next day several thousands decended on the Embassy. Street-wide banners displayed calls for an end to American military intervention. Denunciations were made of the 19th Century conflict between the two countries and of Pershing’s raids in the 20th Century. A double-wall of riot police stood guard around the Embassy, as armed Marines patrolled the inside grounds.