by Dan Donovan
“Yeah, if we were dealing with a President who was medically brain-dead instead of figuratively brain-dead,” laughed Maurus.
“It doesn’t have to be medical,” Poller pointed out. “The Constitution, specifically the 25th Amendment, says nothing about disability.” He opened his briefcase, and took out a paperback copy of the document. “Sections 3 and 4 simply state ’unable to discharge the powers and duties.’ There’s no defination of what that means. Here’s the good part. Section 4 provides for the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet to declare the President ’unable.’ If the President fights the designation, then it’s up to Congress to referee the question.”
Maurus grabbed the book from Poller, read the relevant sections and asked, “How does this help me? What am I suppose to do? This wording is dangerously vague. It’s like a loaded gun in a room full of drunks. Besides, what chance would I have?”
Poller looked at him with a cold-blooded smirk. “Yesterday we would have had no chance at all. Today makes a difference. We know a sizable block of the Cabinet is supportive of your call for assertive action. If Stratton doesn’t react muscularly it puts pressure on the others to abandon him. Either Stratton does something big immediately, or I’m setting things in motion. Then we’ll see how lucky he is this time.”
Maurus sat staring ahead, saying nothing. Finally he replied, “It has to be carefully done. It can’t look like a putsch. Express it in terms of concern for national security, about the urgent need for decisive leadership. We could do a meet-ing…an informal one, at the Observatory. None of their aides, just the Secs themselves. Hold off until Stratton makes an announcement. It’s got to seem like it’s all his fault.”
President Stratton did in fact speak to the nation that evening at 9pm, Eastern Time. He expressed the country’s anguish over the tragic events, and reiterated his determination to safeguard America’s borders. The unravelling conditions in Mexico were presented as an explanation of why unilateral intervention could not succeed. Stratton announced that a conference of the heads of government of the OWHS member States would be held in Washington in two days time. Mexico would be represented by its Ambassador to the U.S. For now, additional Federal troops were being deployed in all four Border States, and naval patrols were being stepped up in the Gulf and along the southern California coastline. The President asked for the prayers and support of all Americans in this extremely difficult time.
Following the speech commentators on all media providers offered their evaluation. On the CBS network Roger Mudd, the anchor of the Evening News for more than a quarter of a century—a triumph of experience over celebrity glitter, remarked, “President Stratton remains an oasis of calm in a city, a nation and a world seemingly determined to shout themselves into a penultimate showdown. For all his military experience, and perhaps because of it, Mr. Stratton has avoided saber-rattling. A rapidly growing number of people in Congress and across America no longer want to ’walk softly.’ Increasingly they want the Administration to employ ’the big stick.’ Any incursion against Mexico would require an effort far greater than those seen in Cuba, Grenada or Panama. Yet, the President may find a more contentious opposition here at home if he seeks to stay the course of the diplomacy-based policy he set forth tonight.”
Alex Poller was on the ’phone with selected Cabinet members less than five minutes after the President concluded his remarks. The members were all cautious in apprasing the speech, however some were willing to offer criticisms under prompting by Poller. By midnight he had arranged a meeting of eight Cabinet members and the Vice President to begin at the Naval Observatory at 9am. Poller advised the Secretaries to come alone, and not to advise their staff or list the appointment on any of their calendars.
A Constitutional Coup
Monday, October 5th, 9AM:
ON A WIDE TABLE in the entrance hallway of the Vice President’s residence was an array of the day’s major newspapers. Each publication devoted its front page to the events at Antelope Wells. Many included sidebar articles summa-rizing reactions from around the country. The overriding theme was one of concern—concern that a forceful American response could lead to a deeper, treacherous involvement in Mexico’s internal crisis—concern that the lack of such a response could lead to something worse.
Post-it notes had been attached to the editorial pages. Some offered conditional support for what was viewed as the President’s measured reaction. Many editorials com-plained about what they described as Stratton’s wait and see attitude. The San Diego Observer flatly proclaimed: “Cory Stratton’s failure to launch decisive action against repeated invasions of American soil, and the cold-blooded murder of American citizens, renders him unfit to continue as President. He must resign for the good and the safety of the nation.” A copy of this editorial was placed before the chair awaiting each Secretary.
The eight Cabinet Secretaries in attendance were: Lewis Clark—Interior (former Senator from Wyoming), John Holstein—Agriculture (fromer Representative from Iowa), Richard Kresge—Commerce (former Governor of Indiana), Mike Rickles—Labor (former CEO and one-time shop steward of Help-You-Do-It, Inc.), Claire Barton—Health and Human Services (former Representative from California), Zachary Lefrak—Housing and Urban Development (former CEO of Island Homes, Inc.), Lisa Ford—Transportation (former Senator from Michigan), and Frank Benjamin— Energy (former Representative from Texas).
The Cabinet members had entered the grounds of the Naval Observatory through a little-used and little-known back road in order to avoid notice by the hovering media on the main street. Vice President Bert Maurus appeared a few minutes after the visitors had been greeted at the entrance by Alex Poller, and escorted into the conference room. Maurus went around the room to each Secretary, shaking hands and engaging in personal chit chat. With the pleasantries dispensed with, and a supply of coffee and Danish having been delivered, the group sat down with attention riveted on the Vice President.
“I thank you all again for agreeing to come here this morning. This is a difficult time for America. The people are looking to this Government for answers, and so far they haven’t been given anything satisfactory. I have personally tried on several occasions to gain the President’s acceptance for a forceful response to the drug cartel’s murderous attacks. Regretfully, I have not been successful. Perhaps the fault is partially mine. I was, after all, the prime competitor of the President for the nomination last year; and, politics being politics—as you all know—things are said in the heat of battle that professionals agree to overlook once they get down to the business of governing. Mr. Stratton may still hold some of my exuberant commentary against me. I forgave him for what he hurled at me.”
“We are professional politicians here,” Maurus continued. “Including our two guys from the market place. Mike, Zach…you’ve helped the Party in fund-raising efforts and as Co-Chairmen of your State organizations. You all know how the game is played. We all understand politics. That’s why I worked with the National Committee and recommended each of your appointments to the Cabinet. Politics is part of what we’re up against in this Mex mess. If we can’t handle it, the voters are going to take their revenge. Our own jobs are safe until ’12, but the Congressional elections next year could be a disaster. The other Party hasn’t come up with any bright ideas so far. Yet that won’t stop them from reminding the people if we drop the ball. Saving this country also means saving our political necks. A policy failure could mean not just some set backs, it could be total annihilation. Remember the Tories in Canada? They went from 200 plus seats to two seats in one election ’cause the voters were annoyed about the economy. We’re up against a national security crisis! If our Party is viewed as responsible for appeasement towards narco-terrorists WE ARE GOING TO BE SLAUGHTERED!” (Maurus made this last point as he thumped his fist on the table.)
“Mr. Vice President…OK…Bert…what can we do about it?” asked the Interior Secretary, technically the senior member in attendance. (Seniority is based on the y
ear the Cabinet post was established.) “Stratton is the President. We can offer advice. But it’s up to him to do the job.”
“Lewis, that’s the point I’ve been trying to avoid. However, there doesn’t seem to be any way around it. Stratton isn’t doing his job. He’s letting things drift, he’s letting the American people down, he’s in danger of dragging us down with him. He only wants to listen to the Big Four- Defense, State, Treasury and the Attorney General. None of them has political experience. They’re all outsiders. Even the other two, Veterans Affairs and Education, are friends of Stratton. Their loyalty is to him. They aren’t dedicated to promoting the Party like we are.”
“Stratton is getting bad advice from them,” said Maurus. “Even so, he should be able to make better decisions. He presented himself to the Party as a man of action. Now he’s a symbol of inaction. He doesn’t appear to be qualified for the Presidency. We are obligated to the American people to stop this disaster before it gets worse! We must take control of the situation!”
“By taking what course of action?” asked Lisa Ford.
“Under the authority of the 25th Amendment, the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet can declare that the President is unable to perform his duties, thereby relieving him from office,” Maurus flatly stated.
The impact of the words struck the Secretaries like a blow. Every member tried to speak at once, some getting to their feet. No one wanted to believe what they had just heard. Mike Rickles, with plenty of prior experience, managed to outshout the tumult. “Are you out of your damn mind, Maurus? I knew the Constitution provided for a transfer of power, but this is stupidly insane! You can’t oust a President simply because you disagree with him. Stratton would have every right to bust in here and arrest us for treason.”
Maurus waived everyone to their seat, and sought to assure them. “It’s not like that at all, Mike…Alex, hand out those copies…Here’s the wording of the Amendment. This is not an ordinary policy question. The safety of the nation is in doubt. If the cartel seizes control of the Mexican Government, it could then totally command the Army. They might form an axis of terror with Colombia. With the money pool they would have do you want to imagine what weap-ons they could buy on the underground market? Do you know what’s still listed as missing from the arsenal of the old People’s Republics of Eurasia? We’ve got to take decisive action before it gets far worse than it is. Stratton won’t act. He’s not using his powers, he’s not fulfilling his duties.”
In a quieter voice he continued, “I realize unseating a President is a fateful step. Remember though, we have taken an oath to defend America, her people and her laws. The 25th permits us to set in motion the legal steps necessary to determine the fitness of Cory Stratton to remain as President. A decision by us today is not the final word. Stratton can file his own statement opposing our view; perhaps what we do here today will be shock therapy for him. Maybe he would come to his senses and accept sound advice. If he opposes us the issue must be resolved by Congress. The people’s representatives will debate and decide if Stratton is capable of leading America. If we do nothing America doesn’t become safer, America remains without an effective response to the narco-terrorists. We will look weak to them, and that invites further acts of war. How many Americans must die before a decision is made to crush our enemies? Stratton refuses to carry out his duties. Are we going to follow the same path of lethal incompetence?”
The Cabinet members were dumbfounded. The implications of either alternative were grimly apparent. “We are truly damned if we do, and damned if we don’t,” Lewis Clark said in breaking the awkward hush that had fallen over the room. “How much time do we have to decide, Bert?”
“You must do so now,” answered the Vice President. Moans escaped from several of the Secretaries. “I know it’s difficult. Duty often is difficult. Yet if we delay, word may leak out, the story could get muddled, and it would only deepen the crisis.
Please. I must ask for your decision now; and, it must be unanimous. A majority of the Cabinet must concur. You are that majority. Yes, I wanted to be President; but, I pledge you my solemn vow, this is not a power grab. I love this country as much as you do. I only want what’s best serves the people. Let us begin the process. Deciding to do nothing does not solve the crisis. Deciding to do nothing, Stratton’s option so far, has made matters worse.”
“What do you say?…Lewis? Zach? Lisa? Mike? John? Richard? Claire? Frank?”
They were all fretful, most averted their eyes. “OK,” said Maurus. “Let me put it to you bluntly. Each of you owes your appointment to me. I made it happen. Stratton didn’t know enough about your level of the bureaucracy to care to find out who belonged where. He handed it over to the National Committee. I found out about the hand-off. You were all on my A-list. You’re my people. Now it’s time for pay back. Even if I lose this gamble you don’t want to be on my bad side if you want a future in this Party. I want your verbal and written affirmation of support for this undertaking—now. Alex, hand out the statement for them to sign. Well, boys and girls, what’s it going to be?”
“Why cant’ we go to the President as a group and explain our concerns?” asked Claire Barton. “He’s been so wrapped up in this problem, he hasn’t had time to call a full Cabinet meeting. If we present a united front, voice our anxieties, surely the President will listen.”
Bert Maurus glared across the table at her. “The very fact,” he countered, “that he hasn’t met with you is prime evidence he doesn’t care what you think. He held a dawn confab with his inner circle yesterday. Did he call any of you? Stratton has walled himself off. He doesn’t want to hear troubling alternate opinions. It’s as if he waiting for someone to tell him what to do, but he won’t heed anyone since he outranks everyone. Think for a moment! Here we are, a roomful of some of this country’s major officials. A titanic crisis grips our society. Has anyone from the White House beeped anyone here, asking them to urgently come today to 1600? Or at any time since the last full Cabinet meeting—in JULY? No competent President would commit, or tolerate, such an error. Voters will have the right to ask what we did to handle this mess. Do you want to go before the American people and say ’I couldn’t act because Cory wouldn’t give me permission.’”
Bert Maurus had honed his talent of effectively delivering speeches during more than thirty years in politicking. He also made it a point of knowing his audience beforehand. He came prepared to tell the Cabinet members what he needed them to hear. Maurus was keenly aware of the background of each person in the room. They were intelligent, well-meaning, dedicated folks who were amazed at their good fortune. At best they were good second-class professionals whose advancements had depended on party loyalty. Here now was the man who had brought them to the zenith of their careers saying they were obligated to support his proposal to overthrow the President of the United States.
Maurus also played to their vanity. They were notable figures in the Government, their nominations had been confirmed by the Senate (with favorable airtime on C-SPAN and their local TV network), reporters (occasionally) sought their opinion, they were VIPs in their home towns. How would it play on Main Street if the local paper stated they had done nothing about Mexico, had not spoken out, that their views were not even sought by the President? Fearful of acting, but dreading irrelevance, each Secretary reluctantly picked up the pen laid out, and signed the challenge to Cory Stratton’s continued service as President. Alex Poller went around the table collecting the documents.
Do you agree with my proposal?” asked Maurus as he pointed at them one by one. In a strained voice or harsh whisper each answered “yes.”
Monday, October 5th, 1PM:
The contents of the simultaneously delivered packages to President Cory Stratton, Speaker of the House Todd Poorberry of California, and President Pro Tempore of the Senate Monty Thorstrom of Delaware created a level of stunned bewilderment not seen since the 1981 videotape showing then President Michael Morrison (an Off
ensive Linesman on his college football team) pummeling a wouldbe assassin to the ground after the gunman’s weapon misfired at point-blank range.
The packages, which were large envelopes bearing the official seal of the Vice President, contained copies of the documents signed by the eight Cabinet Secretaries and the Vice President. Attached was a cover letter signed by Bert Maurus invoking the terms of Section 4 of the 25th Amendment. The letter in part declared: “Whereas it is the considered judgment of the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet that Cory Stratton has demonstrated an unwillingness to fully discharge his power to defend the United States in regards to the Mexican emergency, such unwillingness is in the considered judgment of the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet sufficient proof that Cory Stratton is unable to perform his duty as President to defend the United States. The limited response undertaken by Cory Stratton in reaction to the invasion of American territory by hostile foreign nationals, and the murder of American citizens by these hostile foreign nationals, has severely compromised the security of America and her citizens. As a result of the attached declaration signed by the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet, we deem Cory Stratton removed from the office of President of the United States, and that Vice President Bertford Maurus has now assumed that office as Acting President.”
The two Congressional leaders immediately telephoned the White House after reviewing the contents of the package. They were almost as immediately on their way to the Oval Office for a conference with President Stratton, his Chief of Staff, the Senior White House Counsel, Attorney General Billie Fallwigs, and the Secretaries of State, Defense and Treasury. All agreed to issue no comment unless Maurus went public with his demand. Stratton expressed a hope that Maurus was engaged in a bluff, and would back down if he were ignored. The hope died soon thereafter. At 5pm messengers from the Vice President arrived at the Washington headquarters of the five broadcast networks and of World Network News, the leading cable news network, delivering to each a package for the executive in charge of the news division. This time Maurus included a video tape of himself reading the cover letter. Standing in the background was a morose-looking group of eight Cabinet Secretaries. A flood of ’phone calls rumbled across the capital’s fiber-optic lines to the White House, the Congressional leaders and the Naval Observatory. By 5:30 all the networks were on the air with the most startling political story of the new (and perhaps even the prior) Century. The radio and web affiliates of the TV networks were the next source to announce details on the astonishing maneuver by the Vice President. Independent television and radio stations quickly joined in, and chat rooms on the Internet expanded at a seemingly speed of sound rate.