by Dan Donovan
The general public, to put in mildly, was thunderstruck. Outside the Beltway the actions and views of most Vice Presidents receives little attention from the American populace. Maurus was no exception. His fifteen minutes of fame occurred during the primaries, but once the nomination was beyond his grasp he faded from the headlines. Although Maurus had made provocative statements on the Mexico crisis, he remained in the background of most peoples’ awareness of events; his public outbursts against the President were one-day wonders in the news for them. People considered his remarks part of the normal nonsense that is politics. Nothing had prepared them for a Constitutional showdown. That now changed. Residents of large cities bore witness to a scene many believed was extinct: evening editions of major newspapers being sold on street corners with the word EXTRA emblazoned across the front page.
The President’s official reaction was the drafting and delivering of a letter to the Speaker and Senate President refuting Bert Maurus’ assertions. A copy was sent to the Observatory addressed to Mr. B. Maurus. The Vice President, observing the Constitutional script, re-sent to the appropriate individuals another copy of his original letter. This one had been re-signed and re-dated by Maurus and the eight Cabinet Secretaries, with the time noted as 8pm. By that hour a literal army of news crews had descended on the Vice President’s residence. Network executives in New York and California were conducting desperate searches to charter, rent or purchase any aircraft capable of hauling additional crews and equipment from around the country to Washington, D.C. The United States Air Force turned down several frenzied requests for use of its C-5 Galaxy transport aircraft.
At 9PM President Stratton publicly replied to Maurus’ challenge in a globally-televised speech that was also simulcast on the Internet. “Good evening to everyone. I will begin by stating emphatically—I, Cory Stratton, am the President of the United States. I was duly elected by the American voters, and I will complete my full term, so help me God. I have faithfully executed the powers and duties of this office. I am more than capable of continuing to uphold my obligations to the people and the Constitution. I rebut the challenge to my authority. I am prepared to defend my performance and my honor. The policy my Administration is following concerning Mexico has been formulated in wide-ranging thoughtful considerations. My opponents would have us adopt a radical about-face, and proceed on a path that would gravely endanger this country. Their policy is fatally short-sighted. Their views have been raised in the discussions that took place within the Administration. Repeatedly I have found their views to be of doubtful value, with a strong likelihood of pulling this nation into a bloody quagmire. Following consultations with my loyal advisers, and the Congressional leadership, I will go to Capitol Hill on Thursday to defend this Administration before Congress. A special joint session will be held for this purpose, and to provide time for any presentation by my challengers. I have been in hard fights before, and I have won. I will win this one as well. God bless you. God bless the United States of America.”
Tuesday and Wednesday, October 6th and 7th:
The opening rounds of baseball’s post-season play, the NFL’s regularly scheduled games and the start of a major golf tournament all took place this week. People went about their usual activities. It was possible to escape the agitated point-counter point confrontations being offered by the multitude of information-providing services. Survey takers were frustrated in their initial efforts to monitor America’s pulse because so many people either hung up or launched into free-fire monologues on the issue of the day. Finally, by late Wednesday a picture began to emerge of a nation prepared for a drastic decision, but uncertain of what it wanted that decision to be. Overall 45% thought Cory Stratton was doing a fair to good job, 42% said he was performing badly, and 13% were unsure. When questioned further of those who said Stratton was performing badly a significant number (33% of this group) said their position was influenced by the presentation of accusations in the media.
Yet the survey also found that 60% of those replying would support the President if he ordered an invasion of Mexico to wipe out the cartel. (A military option was favored by 80% of those in the front-line States of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas and Florida.) An almost equal number believed that a state of war already existed with Mexico. 4% said they would not object to the use of “tactical or limited range” nuclear weapons against the cartel’s headquarters region.
43% said Stratton should be forced to resign, or be im-peached, if he failed to attack Mexico in the event of another raid by any armed force from Mexico. 36% opposed this idea. 21% were undecided.
72% knew the Constitution had some type of provision for transferring power if a President died or became severely ill. 99% were clueless about the details of Section 4 of the 25th Amendment.
64% said they did not know enough about Bert Maurus to judge his actions. 20% favored the holding of an election to let the people choose between Stratton and Maurus. 7 % of those interviewed did not know, prior to Monday’s events, that Bert Maurus was the Vice President.
A more ominous reading of opinion was being provided to the President. His own chief pollster advised Stratton that a sizable number in Congress were prepared to endorse Bert Maurus’ application of “25/4” (the short-hand term which evolved to indicate the relevant Constitutional provision); Members of the House and Senate from the front-line States were concerned about the upcoming elections and wanted somebody to fix the problem fast. Adding to the President’s difficulties was the stance taken by House Speaker Todd Poorberry. The Speaker’s own district was in Orange County of southern California. His constituents were among the more vociferous proponents of a demand for military action. The Speaker had announced on Wednesday that the House vote on 25/4 would be a free vote—no persuasion would be applied, one way or the other, by the party’s whips.
By agreement with the Senate President, Poorberry released a statement Wednesday evening with the schedule of activities. The House and Senate would meet in joint session on Thursday (the 8th) to hear the President speak; the Vice President would speak on Friday (the 9th). Both would be available to answer questions later in the day from Members of Congress, but not from the news media or the public. Unless additional time was requested, the House would debate the issue on Saturday (the 10th) and vote on Monday (the 12th).
If the House supported Maurus on 25/4, then the Senate would debate it on Tuesday (the 13th). In order for Maurus’ challenge to be successful he had to obtain a 2/3 majority or better in each chamber. If not the challenge could not be re-submitted unless it was on a premise other than “unwillingness equals unable.” Therefore, to get past the first hurdle Bert Maurus needed the votes of at least 294 of the 441 Members of the House of Representatives.
The President’s pollster found on Wednesday near unanimous support for 25/4 among the House delegations from California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas and Florida. The remaining House Members were nearly evenly divided between “yes,” “no” and “undecided.” The Senate was also split into three factions—40 would vote “yes” to support Maurus, 32 would vote “no” and 30 were undecided.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8TH:
Congress will often labor long and hard in its efforts to deal with major issues. Yet it will also insist on its sessions beginning at a reasonable (often post-lunch) hour. The assembling of the people’s legislature to consider this most unique Constitutional question was slated to begin at the unusual hour of 9am. This meant that Representatives, Senators, their staffs, the news media, members of the President’s and Vice President’s staffs, and the general public began arriving on Capitol Hill before 6AM.
Along Pennsylvania Avenue, from the White House to Capitol Hill, crowds had been gathering since the prior evening. President Stratton’s motorcade would take this route sometime after 8:30. Few of those waiting along the sidewalk would actually see Stratton. His car would whiz by in seconds, and it was unlikely that the President would be waving from the window. A b
lustery northeast wind and low cloud deck further discounted such behavior. Yet moments of history draw people. They want to say later that they personally witnessed some part of it live, not filtered through the unblinking eye of television. They want to experience the tension, or the electricity, or the dourness of the moment. Conspiracy—legal and in full view—is as compelling a drama as the after-effects of unexpected tragedy. The crowds on this day were said to be the largest since the 1933 funeral for the assassinated President-elect Franklin Roosevelt.
[This tragic event occurred in Miami on February 15, 1933. It produced a Constitutional crisis of its own. There was no provision in the Constitution for replacing a President-elect. A bi-partisan conference of major political leaders devised a solution. Vice President-elect John Gardner was sworn in as scheduled on Inauguration Day (March 4th). The Chief Justice then publicly stated that the office of the President was vacant, and swore in Gardner as President.]
Through this array of human expectations President Cory Stratton proceeded on the most agonizing morning of his brief political career. Accompanying Stratton was his wife, Elizabeth. She had often expressed her private fears to him about the brutal potential of American politics. Never in her worst nightmare had she foreseen such a horror as now confronted her husband.
They seemed an odd match, poster people for an opposites attract campaign. Elizabeth Chisholm Stratton, five years younger and a foot shorter, had first seen Cory Stratton while both were stationed at a NATO base in the then West Germany nearly 30 years ago.
[Germany was re-united after the collapse of the PREA.]
Elizabeth was a trauma surgeon at the base hospital, and they were introduced to each other by a mutual friend. Her quiet, reserved nature was a notable contrast to Stratton’s usual cohort of demonstrative friends and family. Initially he was uncertain, then delighted by her habit of stopping him in mid-bombastic oratory by smiling and rolling her eyes up. They were married within a year, and by their fifth anniversary were the proud parents of three fine children— Kenneth, Leo and Tamara. The family endured the nomadic aspect of Cory’s military life; finally settling into a permanent home (at least for mother and children) once the offspring reached school age. She had insisted on it.
Elizabeth Stratton chose to remain in the background attending to her patients and children, although Cory’s promotion to General often required her to become involved in the military’s social circles. She resisted as much as possible. Her forays into public action were usually directed towards fund-raising or volunteer efforts of local hospitals.
As First Lady, Elizabeth Stratton championed the causes of pre-natal, pediatric and pre-school health care programs. During interviews she admitted discussing political matters with her husband, the President. She did not believe this gave her any undue influence over government policy. “If you ever heard some of our discussions,” she said, “you would be amazed that we ever agreed on names for our children, never mind budget allocations to subsidize inter-State bus travel in the Corn Belt.”
She sat beside him now in the Presidential limousine heading southeast along Pennsylvania Avenue, as worn and worried looking as when one of her children had been seriously ill. A shiver ran through her, despite the vehicle’s defenses against drafts and other invasive elements.
“Are you cold, Lizzy?” Cory asked.
“What’s the saying about sudden chills?” Elizabeth replied. “Something about a person in the future walking over your grave?” She smiled in saying this, but Cory looked grimmer than before. He took her hands and rubbed them softly.
“Don’t worry. It’ll all be over soon enough, for better or worse. If it turns out poorly we can go away and live in peace. The world can then go spinning off to whatever act of damnation it wants. I won’t be responsible for any of it. Perhaps I won’t care. If I could dump this job off to someone other than that brazen fool Maurus I’d save Congress the bother, and resign my commission…oops, office. They elect Presidents to perform miracles, then lambast them for failure to be miraculous.”
Elizabeth laughed, “You would never give them the satisfaction of seeing you quit. Leathernecks never die even when they’re dead. It’s the Barbary pirates all over again.”
Now it was Cory’s time to laugh. “If you try signing the Corps’ anthem I’ll stop the car and leave you sitting in the middle of the Avenue…Thanks for being here, Lizzy. I know this day is harder for you than it is for me. I’m glad there’s one human being nearby who’s not trying to push or pull me to suit their sense of historical direction. I’ll fight them just to prove you’re not married to an addled-brain grunt.”
They leaned towards one another, holding hands as the motorcade neared the Capitol. A forest of satellite dishes for the news crews stretched around the building. The Secret Service Agents in position directed the vehicles to a secure side entrance.
A joint session of Congress is always a dramatic affair. It is called on the occasion of a grand political episode, or a heart-rending time of sorrow. As with some in the past, the present one was a mixture. Unlike those in the past, there were significant differences. The Vice President and his eight Cabinet supporters were not in attendance, neither were the Justices of the Supreme Court or the diplomatic corps. Chief Justice Sandra Day O’Connor had decided to absent the Court based on the possibility that the Constitutional confrontation could end up before the nine Justices. The diplomatic corps was usually invited to this State function; but they understood why the pleasure of their company was not requested. The gallery was filled to standing-room only with the family and staff members of the legislators.
As 9AM was announced throughout the city with the ringing of church bells, the Doorkeeper of the House of Representatives stepped forward into the center aisle and declared in a ringing voice: “Mr. Speaker! The President of the United States!”
The doors leading from the outside hallway opened, and Cory Stratton entered. Upon almost any other occasion this would be a cue for a tumultuous greeting from the assembled lawmakers. Those seated along the aisle would reach out for a Presidential handshake, calling his name and words of greeting. Today there were only whispers. The absence of noise was startling. Lasting only seconds, it seemed an eternity. Suddenly a voice, high up and soft, called out “Cory!.” The President looked to his right, as the head of the Secret Service detail Agent Ed Seehohen, caught Stratton’s elbow and pointed. Above the assembly, in singular assertiveness, Elizabeth Stratton was standing and waving. When the President saw her, he waved back. She then began applauding. The tiny, rhythmic sound was amplified by the chamber’s stillness; it shocked the audience into a response. Slowly, fitfully, others stood and applauded. The number grew. Islands of individuals were linked as additional Members were swept into the moment. A few cheers arose. Finally, most (but not all) in the chamber were on their feet, many (but not all) clapping their hands as tradition regained control.
Cory Stratton shook the few outstretched hands near him, and turned once more to wave to Elizabeth. He mouthed a “Thank you. I love you,” and blew her a kiss. While the applause lasted, the President made his way to the podium. Seated behind him, on the raised step, were the Speaker and the Senate President. Stratton shook hands with them, and the Speaker graveled for order. The crowd fell silent. Todd Poorberry declared, “Never before in the history of this great Republic have Members of Congress gathered for such an event. The decision we will make in this regard will have a profound affect on the future of America. God help us all! Ladies and Gentlemen of the Congress, the President of the United States.”
Applause began around the floor without any prompting by the First Lady. She stood again, waved again, and was the last to be seated.
For a moment the President did not speak. He looked at his notes, folded the sheets and put them away. His words would be his own, rather than the crafted phrases of the White House speech writers.
“Cowardice, in my previous line of work, was a charge subject t
o a court-martial review board. If the defendant was judged guilty in time of war, the penalty could be death by firing squad. If I cannot persuade you today, I will at least be glad the same penalty does not apply to my current job.”
(A smattering of laughter ran across the assembled group.)
“I have looked into the eyes of Death on the battlefield, and I did not falter in defense of this great nation. I had the honor of directing other campaigns from headquarters, knowing my decisions were a matter of life and death for many. Again, I did not falter in defense of America. I have seen, held and smelt more dead and dying people than probably most of you in this room. I have commanded everything from a squad to an international coalition of armies. Yes, I have been afraid. No intelligent person in a war scenario could be other than afraid. My training prepared me for such crisis. I know how to make decisions, the right ones for the right time.”
“Experience in war is not something a person would choose to obtain. As citizens of a country which desires to remain free, we must undertake certain courses of action we might otherwise wish to defer, in order to defend that freedom. Experience in war teaches those who are fortunate enough, and skillful enough, to survive that winning battles takes more than waving a sword and yelling ’charge!.’”