The Modern Middle East - A Political History Since World War I (Third Edition)
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112. Suha Taji-Farouki, “Islamic State Theories and Contemporary Realities,” in Islamic Fundamentalism, ed. Abdel Salam Sidahmed and Anoush-iravan Ehteshami (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), p. 38.
113. Maha Azzam, “Egypt: The Islamists and the State under Mubarak,” in Salam Sidahmed and Ehteshami, Islamic Fundamentalism, p. 111.
114. Jihad, which literally means “struggle,” has been given different meanings by observers and practitioners of Islam since the earliest days, with some believing it to connote an inner-self struggle for personal betterment, while others see it as a call to fight Islam’s enemies, and still others take it to mean a combination of both alternatives. As the scholar John Esposito has observed, “There is no single doctrine of jihad that has always and everywhere existed or been universally accepted. Muslim understanding of what is required by the Quran and the practice of the Prophet regarding jihad has changed over time. The doctrine of jihad is not a product of a single authoritative individual or organization’s interpretation. It is rather a product of diverse individuals and authorities interpreting and applying the principles of sacred texts in specific historical and political contexts.” John Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 64.
8. REPRESSION AND REBELLION
1. Roger Owen, The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), p. 172.
2. Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, introduction to Political Liberalization and Democratization in the Arab World, vol. 1, Theoretical Perspectives, ed. Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995), p. 19.
3. Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrows of Egypt: A Tale of Two Men,” in The New Arab Revolt, ed. Council on Foreign Relations (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2011), p. 15.
4. Dina Shehata, “Fall of the Pharaoh: How Hosni Mubarak’s Reign Came to an End,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, pp. 138–39.
5. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 6.
6. Ibid., p. 28.
7. Saad Eddin Ibrahim, “Liberalization and Democratization in the Arab World: An Overview,” in Brynen, Korany, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 1, p. 37.
8. Filipe R. Campante and Davin Chor, “Why Was the Arab World Poised for Revolution? Schooling, Economic Opportunities, and the Arab Spring,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 26, no. 2 (Spring 2012): 167–68.
9. Ibid., p. 174.
10. Jack A. Goldstone, “Understanding the Revolutions of 2011: Weakness and Resilience in Middle Eastern Autocracies,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 336.
11. Shibley Telhami, 2011 Annual Arab Public Opinion Survey, 2011, www.brookings.edu/∼/media/events/2011/11/21%20arab%20public%20opinion/20111121_arab_public_opinion, p. 56.
12. Ibid., pp. 57–58.
13. Azzedine Layachi, “Meanwhile in the Maghreb: Have Algeria and Morocco Avoided North Africa’s Unrests?,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 217.
14. Amr Hamzawy, “The Saudi Labyrinth: Is There a Political Opening?,” in Beyond the Façade: Political Reform in the Arab World, ed. Marina Ottaway and Julia Choucair-Vizoco (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2008), pp. 187–88.
15. Stephen J. King, The New Authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), pp. 4–5.
16. Steven Heydemann, “Social Pacts and the Persistence of Authori-tarianism in the Middle East,” in Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durability in Nondemocratic Regimes, ed. Oliver Schlumberger (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), p. 22.
17. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 2.
18. Ibid., p. 54.
19. Nathan J. Brown, “Egypt’s Constitutional Ghosts: Deciding the Terms of Cairo’s Democratic Transition,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 126.
20. Michele Dunne and Amr Hamzawy, “The Ups and Downs of Political Reform in Egypt,” in Ottaway and Choucair-Vizoco, Beyond the Façade, p. 26. For a list of the amendments passed during this time, see pp. 41–42.
21. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 32.
22. Michel Penner Angrist, “Morning in Tunisia: The Frustrations of the Arab World Boil Over,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 76.
23. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 39.
24. Ibid., p. 45.
25. Ibid., p. 35.
26. Ibid., p. 38.
27. Michael Broning, “The Sturdy House That Assad Built: Why Damascus Is Not Cairo,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 202.
28. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 44.
29. Goldstone, “Understanding the Revolutions,” p. 335.
30. Lisa Anderson, “Demystifying the Arab Spring: Parsing the Differences between Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 322.
31. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 52.
32. Ibid., p. 3.
33. Ibid., pp. 174–75.
34. Ibid., p. 37.
35. Ibid., pp. 8–9.
36. Ibid., p. 61.
37. Hugh Roberts, “Demilitarizing Algeria,” in Ottaway and Choucair-Vizoco, Beyond the Façade, p. 138.
38. Eric Trager, “Letter from Cairo: The People’s Military in Egypt?,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 82.
39. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 67.
40. Roberts, “Demilitarizing Algeria,” p. 153.
41. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 39.
42. Ibid., p. 46.
43. Ibid., p. 78.
44. Jean-Pierre Filiu, The Arab Revolution: Ten Lessons from the Democratic Uprising (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 15.
45. Joshua Stacher, Adaptable Autocrats: Regime Power in Egypt and Syria (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012), p. 7.
46. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 51.
47. Steven A. Cook, “Adrift on the Nile: The Limits of the Opposition in Egypt,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 64.
48. Daniela Pioppi, “Privatization of Social Services as a Regime Strategy: The Revival of Islamic Endowments (Awqaf ) in Egypt,” in Schlumberger, Debating Arab Authoritarianism, pp. 129–30.
49. Ibid., p. 142.
50. Heydemann, “Social Pacts,” p. 23.
51. Ibrahim, “Liberalization and Democratization,” p. 47.
52. Ibid., p. 49.
53. Cook, “Adrift on the Nile,” p. 57.
54. Annia Ciezadlo, “Let Them Eat Bread: How Food Subsidies Prevent (and Provoke) Revolutions in the Middle East,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 232.
55. Broning, “Sturdy House,” p. 201.
56. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 39.
57. Ajami, “Sorrows of Egypt,” p. 7.
58. Ibid., p. 8.
59. Kristin Smith Diwan, “Bahrain’s Shia Question: What the United States Gets Wrong about Sectarianism,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 187.
60. Ibid., p. 190.
61. Ibrahim, “Liberalization and Democratization,” p. 36.
62. James A. Bill and Robert Springborg, Politics in the Middle East, 5th ed. (New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 2000), pp. 113–14.
63. Alan Richards and John Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East, 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), p. 314.
64. Ibid.
65. See, for example, Robert Bianchi, “The Corporatization of the Egyptian Labor Movement,” Middle East Journal 40 (Summer 1986): 429–40.
66. Khaldoun Hasan Al-Naqeeb, Society and State in the Gulf and Arab Peninsula: A Different Perspective, trans. L. M. Kenny (London: Routledge, 1990), p. 127.
67. Peter Wilson and Douglas Graham, Saudi Arabia: The Coming Storm (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994), p. 82.
68. Daniel Brumberg, “Authoritarian Legacies and Reform Strategies in the Arab World,” in Brynen, Korany, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 1, p. 233.
70. Iliya Harik, “Privatization and Development in Tunisia,” in Harik and Sullivan, Privatization and Liberalization, p. 230.
71. Richards and Waterbury, Political Economy, p. 318.
72. Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 196.
73. Sabrina Petra Ramet, Social Currents in Eastern Europe: The Sources and Consequences of the Great Transformation, 2nd ed. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995), p. 84.
74. See especially Emad Eldin Shahin, Political Ascent: Contemporary Islamic Movements in North Africa (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998), and John Ruedy, ed., Islamism and Secularism in North Africa (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994).
75. On Adl wal-Ihsan, see Shahin, Political Ascent, p. 193.
76. Terry Lynn Karl, “Dilemmas of Democratization in Latin America,” in Democracy in Latin America: Patterns and Cycles, ed. Roderic Ai Camp (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Books, 1996), pp. 31–32. Earlier, in the mid-1970s, this pattern of transition had taken place in southern Europe in Greece (1974), Portugal (1975), and Spain (1975). See Philippe C. Schmitter, “An Introduction to Southern European Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Turkey,” in Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Southern Europe, ed. Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), pp. 3–10.
77. Faisal Kutty, “Hopes for Multi-party Election to End Algeria’s Nightmare Die with April 15 One-Candidate Choice,” Washington Report on the Middle East, June 1999, p. 34.
78. Abdo Baaklini, Guilain Denoeux, and Robert Springborg, Legislative Politics in the Arab World: The Resurgence of Democratic Institutions (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), p. 233.
79. Marina Ottaway and Meredith Riley, “Morocco: Top-Down Reform without Democratic Transition,” in Ottaway and Choucair-Vizoco, Beyond the Façade, p. 161.
80. Eva Wegner, “Islamist Inclusion and Regime Persistence: The Moroccan Win-Win Situation,” in Schlumberger, Debating Arab Authoritarianism, pp. 88–89.
81. Bahgat Korany, “Monarchical Islam with a Democratic Veneer: Morocco,” in Rex Brynen, Bahgat Korany, and Paul Noble, eds., Political Liberalization and Democratization in the Arab World, vol. 2, Comparative Experiences (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998), p. 170.
82. In Arabic, makhzen literally means the warehouse where goods and provisions are stored. “In Morocco’s political context, specialists use it to denote government as a network of power and grants from the top rather than balance and mutual concessions among the different organs. The top or the center is then in control, and it exercises its control through arbitration and distribution of rewards.” Ibid., p. 157.
83. Mehran Kamrava, “Pseudo-democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities: The Rise and Demise of Turkey’s Refah Party,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 25 (November 1998): 275–301.
84. On Sufis in Egypt, see Bahgat Korany, “Restricted Democratization from Above: Egypt,” in Brynen, Korany, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 2, p. 50; on clerics in Iran, see Janet Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1906–1911: Grassroots Democracy, Social Democracy, and the Origins of Feminism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), p. 23; on women’s rights advocates in Iran, see Eliz Sanasarian, The Women’s Rights Movement in Iran: Mutiny, Appeasement, and Repression from 1900 to Khomeini (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1982); on the intelligentsia, see the various chapters in Rashid Khalidi et al., eds., The Origins of Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991).
85. Korany, “Restricted Democratization,” p. 60.
86. Korany, “Monarchical Islam,” p. 174.
87. Bahgat Korany and Saad Amrani, “Explosive Civil Society and Democra-tization from Below: Algeria,” in Brynen, Korany, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 2, p. 27.
88. Korany, “Restricted Democratization,” pp. 61–62.
89. Rex Brynen, “The Politics of Monarchical Liberalism: Jordan,” in Brynen, Korany, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 2, p. 84.
90. Korany, “Monarchical Islam,” p. 175.
91. Rex Brynen, “From Occupation to Uncertainty: Palestine,” in Brynen, Korany, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 2, p. 194.
92. Baaklini, Denoeux, and Springborg, Legislative Politics, p. 119.
93. Kazem Alamdari, “Iran Parliamentary Election: The Third Consecutive Victory for the Reformists,” ISIM Newsletter 6 (October 2000): 22. See also Stephen Fairbanks, “Theocracy versus Democracy: Iran Considers Political Parties,” Middle East Journal 52 (Winter 1998): 17–31.
94. Baaklini, Denoeux, and Springborg, Legislative Politics, p. 124.
95. Veerle Opgenhaffen and Mark Freeman, Transitional Justice in Morocco: A Progress Report (New York: International Center for Transitional Justice, 2005), p. 2.
96. See “Kingdom of Morocco, the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission: Three-Part Summary of the Final Report,” 2005, www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/fd/maroc_fiche1_/maroc_fiche1_en.pdf.
97. Baaklini, Denoeux, and Springborg, Legislative Politics, pp. 130–31.
98. Marina Ottaway and Meredith Riley, Morocco: From Top-Down Reform to Democratic Transition?, Carnegie Papers, no. 71 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2006), www.carnegieendowment.org/files/cp71_ottaway_final.pdf, p. 3.
99. Halima El-Glaoui, “Contributing to a Culture of Debate in Morocco,” Journal of Democracy 10 (January 1999): 160.
100. Ibid., p. 157.
101. See chapter 7.
102. Judith Palmer Harik, “Democracy (Again) Derailed: Lebanon’s Taʾif Paradox,” in Korany, Brynen, and Noble, Political Liberalization, vol. 2, p. 137.
103. Ibid., p. 147.
104. Carole Dagher, “A Crucial Year for Democracy in Lebanon Opens with a Warming of U.S.-Lebanese Relations,” Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, March 1998, p. 85.
105. Paul Salem, “The Future of Lebanon,” Foreign Affairs 58, no. 6 (2006): 14.
106. The classic discussion of consociational democracies is offered by Arend Lijphart, “Consociational Democracy,” World Politics 21, no. 2 (1969): 207–25.
107. Carole Dagher, “New Lebanese President Lahoud Announces New, Trimmed-Down Cabinet and Wide-Ranging Reforms,” Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, January–February 1999, pp. 52, 95.
108. Jennifer Gandhi, Political Institutions under Dictatorships (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. xviii.
109. Ibid., p. 78.
110. Sarah Phillips, “Yemen: The Centrality of the Process,” in Ottaway and Choucair-Vizoco, Beyond the Façade, p. 233.
111. Owen, Rise and Fall, pp. 55–56.
112. Ibid., p. 72.
113. Marc Lynch, The Arab Uprising: The Unfinished Revolutions of the New Middle East (New York: Public Affairs, 2012), p. 67.
114. Brumberg, “Authoritarian Legacies,” p. 234.
115. Lynch, Arab Uprising, p. 68.
116. Ibid., p. 69.
117. Owen, Rise and Fall, p. 176.
118. For excerpts of speeches by Mubarak, Qaddafi, and Assad, see Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, pp. 408–13, 414–20, and 458–66, respectively.
119. Lynch, Arab Uprising, p. 71.
120. Ibid., p. 84.
121. Ibid., p. 69.
122. Stacher, Adaptable Autocrats, p. 11.
123. Abdullah al-Qubati, “Letter from Sanaʾa: Saleh on the Edge,” in Council on Foreign Relations, New Arab Revolt, p. 184.
124. A December 14, 2012, report by the United Nations put the number of Syrian casualties at “at least 20,000 people, mostly civilians,” while an opposition website, accessed on December
16, 2012, put the number at more than 45,000. For the UN report, see “Following Refugee Camp Visit, UN Officials Flag Need for More Funds to Help Displaced Syrians in Iraq,” press release, December 14, 2012, UN News Centre, www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=43773&Cr=Syria&Cr1=#.UM8ueY5lkdI, and for figures from the Syrian opposition, see Syrian Revolution Martyr Database, http://syrianshuhada.com/?lang=en&.
125. Lynch, Arab Uprising, p. 65.
126. Filiu, Arab Revolution, p. 32.
9. THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT
1. Deborah Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples: The Conflict over Palestine, 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994).
2. Dilip Hiro, Sharing the Promised Land: A Tale of Israelis and Palestinians (New York: Olive Branch Press, 1999).
3. Paloma Díaz-Mas, Sephardim: The Jews from Spain, trans. George K. Zucker (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 7.
4. Central Bureau of Statistics of Israel, Statistical Abstract of Israel, 2010, no. 61 (Tel Aviv: Government Publishing House, 2011), pp. 88, 158.
5. Central Bureau of Statistics of Israel, Statistical Abstract of Israel, 2008, no. 59 (Tel Aviv: Government Publishing House, 2009), p. 158.
6. Eliezer Ben-Rafael, Language, Identity, and Social Division: The Case of Israel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 89.
7. The Reform movement started in Germany around 1800 in reaction to the strict dictates of Orthodox Judaism. Smaller non-Orthodox movements within Judaism include the Reconstructionist, Conservadox, Renewal, and Humanistic Judaism. For more on these and other tendencies within Judaism, see Michael A. Meyer, Judaism within Modernity: Essays on Jewish History and Religion (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2001).
8. Ran Greenstein, Genealogies of Conflict: Class, Identity, and the State in Palestine/Israel and South Africa (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1995), pp. 85–86.
9. Ella Shohat, “The Invention of the Mizrahim,” Journal of Palestine Studies 29 (Autumn 1999): 8.
10. Yoav Peled, “Towards a Redefinition of Jewish Nationalism in Israel? The Enigma of Shas,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21 (July 1998): 706.
11. These and other statistics in this paragraph are drawn from Hiro, Sharing the Promised Land, p. 53.