All the Best, George Bush: My Life in Letters and Other Writings

by George H. W. Bush

  The mood in our recent brief meetings with foreign minister Chiao KuanHua has been noticeably chilly. There has been no small talk and no relaxed opening sentences, only “Let’s proceed with the business at hand.” On Tuesday, Chiao delivered the PRC reply delaying the advance and the announcement and offered a seemingly gratuitous lecture on the need for airing differences. He rejected our communiqué draft out of hand, said again he would not care if there were no communiqué, and seemed to move away from the “we have time” theme to the hoary “you owe us a debt.” (his emphasis in this last point seemed curiously out of step with that of Chairman Mao on the Taiwan question.)4

  All this may merely be tactical posturing designed to strengthen the PRC negotiating position prior to the visit. However, I doubt this is the case, and it would be prudent in any case to assume that the Chinese will employ some fairly unpleasant language, both in public and in private, during the President’s visit. Given the probable cost at home to the President for having to subject himself to this and the limited likelihood that there will be any forward movement on Sino-US relations, I would incline toward postponing the visit if there were a genuinely legitimate reason to do so. (At this late date, of course, this seems highly unlikely and I do not advocate putting the visit off.)

  The question at hand is how to best respond to tough Chinese statements on their view of the world scene, détente, and the Taiwan issue in a way that minimizes the dangers for the President without unduly disturbing our bilateral relationship. I would suggest the President come armed with a general exposition of US support for the Shanghai communiqué5 and hopes for the world—peace, freedom, equality, etc. . . . If the Chinese escalate further by openly suggesting they may use military force to “liberate” Taiwan, it seems to me there is no alternative to the President’s insisting that any settlement will have to be by peaceful means. The President can hardly afford to subject himself to public or private Chinese tirades on these critical issues without replying in some way, but we see no reason to spend our time merely responding to their statements. . . .

  Given the current Chinese frostiness, I think the President in both his private and public statements should strive to leave the Chinese leaders and the world audience with the unmistakable impression that Gerald Ford is a straight-talking man, contemptuous of overblown rhetoric, and a man who sets policy based on our own view of what is right and of our interests. All should know that the President is a good decent man, but one who can be tough as nails with the Soviets, the Chinese, or others when necessary. Needless to say, he (and other members of the party) should avoid effusive praise of the Chinese and their system or too many diplomatic niceties during banquet speeches which may be in answer to or followed by Chinese lectures on the poor state of the world and American impotence.

  Warm Regards,

  George Bush

  November 6, 1975

  Tom Lias

  Department of Health, Education & Welfare

  Washington, D.C.

  Dear Tom:

  . . . I wish I had been able to talk to you before making the tough decision I had to make recently. I think this probably spells the end to all politics. Certainly I will not approach the new job with any politics in mind. I think it is a political graveyard, and perhaps that’s the way it should be. In any event, I have a strange contentment about it, even though it means a lot of unpleasantness and turmoil.

  See you soon.

  Warmest regards,

  George Bush

  A note to my three brothers and sister:

  Dear Pres, Buck, Nancy, John,

  Pardon the joint message. It occurs to me that my controversial new job may cause concern—if not to you, to some of your kids. No I can’t see (5-year old) Billy6 bitching about the CIA to his peers, but for the older ones, it might not be easy.

  It’s a graveyard for politics, and it is perhaps the toughest job in government right now due to abuses of the past on the one hand, and an effort to weaken our capability on the other. Besides, it’s not always a clean and lovely business.

  I am convinced it is important.

  I know we will be thrust into ugly controversy—my intentions and character will be questioned.

  But overriding all this is what I perceive to be a fundamental need for an intelligence capability second to none. It’s a tough, mean world and we must stay strong. My year here has given me a chance to think and to observe. . . .

  When the cable came in I thought of “Big Dad”—what would he do, what would he tell his kids—I think he would have said, “it’s your duty.”

  It is my duty and I’ll do it.

  I love you all.

  Pop

  NOVEMBER 7, 1975

  FOR:

  JACK MARSH7

  FROM:

  GEORGE BUSH

  I would appreciate your evaluation of the situation on the Hill.

  I have noted some comments by Frank Church.8 Perhaps you could ask him to withhold his fire until we have the hearings. I will leave that to you. Maybe it’s better to let him pop off.

  In talking to the Senators you can emphasize for me my total commitment to laying politics totally aside. I have done it at the UN, I have done it in China, and I recognize that it is essential to do that in the new job.

  It would also be fair to mention, if necessary, that in my two diplomatic jobs I have dealt extensively with the product of the CIA and have a feel for its mission.

  As for cooperating with Congress I will follow the President’s guidelines as spelled out in his press conference. I do believe in the absolute essentiality of a strong agency. . . .

  Thanks,

  George Bush

  We heard from a lot of friends who were worried about what lay ahead. I wasn’t sure myself. I wrote this note to Bill Steiger:

  Nov. 9, 1975

  Dear Bill,

  I wish I had been free to talk, really free, when your typically considerate call came in.

  Of course I have mixed emotions—I think it is and perhaps should be, the political end. I was not told when I was asked to decide on the CIA that Rocky was going to step out.9 I was given no options. I was asked to take on the CIA—I agreed. I agreed because of a fundamental sense of duty . . . It’s just that uncomplicated.

  It will be tough on our kids, I am afraid. But, Bill, in this job and at the UN I saw first hand—clearly—the need for an intelligence capability second to none.

  How you stay strong while ridding the system of outrageous excesses is the tough one—but trying, though tough on the lower duodenum, will be worthwhile.

  I honestly feel my political future is behind me—but hell, I’m 51, and this new one gives me a chance to really contribute.

  I have a gut feeling there were some behind the scenes politics—but now all that doesn’t matter. I will give this my all—I’ll tell our fair weather friends who will be embarrassed by all of this—hell with you. To our close friends like you-Jan, I’ll be grateful always for your support. So will Bar. She’s shed a few tears . . . But she now sees, that in spite of the ugliness around the CIA, there’s a job to be done.

  I can tell you, as my friend, it would have been nice if it had been something else but it wasn’t, it’s this, and I’m ready.

  Look at it this way—you are guaranteed a few free Sunday burgers. See, it’s not all bad. . . .

  GB

  November 18, 1975

  Dear Gerry [Bemiss],

  God your letter was kind. The new job, controversy and all, will be tough but a good one. I can’t assess the columnist ‘flak’ and what that means in the Senate, but I am at peace. I’ll go up there—lay it out from the heart and I think they’ll want me.

  If not—well I won’t take it personally.

  We have loved our life here—so different from the stormy future, so we are clinging to each day and moment before we leave.

  I have firm convictions about our own country’s cynicism. I’d love to have a small part in ri
ghting that—

  Gratefully

  GB

  The following Message is from Ambassador George Bush and is to be passed to Director William Colby:10

  Dear Bill:

  I have the utmost respect for the job you have been doing.

  I have not yet been fully advised on matters of timing, but needless to say, if you are agreeable, I would appreciate enormously the chance to have some good long chats with you. I am coming into this post at a time that could be less difficult, but I realize full well that without your endless months of selfless service the job I am about to enter would be one hell of a lot rougher.

  I will try and to live up to the high standard of decency and excellence you have set for this job and for the agency.

  Good luck in the future, Hope to see you soon.

  November 20, 1975

  FOR:

  EYES ONLY JACK MARSH

  FROM:

  GEORGE BUSH

  . . . The thing that must be stressed in talking to the Senators is character and integrity, thus the ability to lay partisanship aside in a non-partisan job. The UN experience can be stressed here plus my role in China.

  . . . There are several incidents of my having to resist White House pressure during Watergate times that Tom Lias . . . can give you if you need them without giving details to Senators, which I will do if necessary. The theme should be emphasized that Bush did withstand WH pressure, but did not do it glamorously on the front pages. I will approach my CIA job in the same way.

  Further point should be made that someone with some feel for public opinion might better keep Agency out of illegal activities.

  As the argument of rubber stamp for President, some might make the point that being “close to the President” is asset rather than liability. The views of the Agency might get a better Presidential hearing this way. But in the final analysis it comes back to character and integrity as to whether one knuckles under or not on matters of deep conviction. I will continue to avoid discussions along these lines with press or others, but perhaps this general thinking may be useful in quieting some of the critics.

  One absurdity that you might like to squelch is the idea that the President rethought the nomination and thus asked Colby to stay on. I could not possibly have left before the President’s visit. It would have been gratuitously insulting to the PRC in my opinion.

  Frankly I’d love to have been there to tackle the problem and I think the delay has permitted the columnists all to ‘pile on’ but perhaps that point can be made that at times one must do what is proper and right. . . .

  Warm Regards.

  George Bush

  Perhaps the best advice I received came from President Nixon. “What you have been through before will look like a cakewalk compared to what you will now be confronted with,” he wrote. He told me not to “give away the store” by promising too much during my hearings. He told me to stand up for the CIA and its important work.

  Dec. 4, 1975

  Dear Mr. President,

  Your letter about the CIA job was delivered here yesterday.

  I couldn’t agree more. We must not see the Agency compromised further by reckless disclosure.

  I can’t tell you how much I appreciate your taking the time to give me your views on the job that lies ahead.

  The President’s trip has gone well. He leaves tomorrow morning.

  The Chinese leadership always speaks respectfully of you.

  I am sorry to miss Julie and David in Peking.

  We have been extremely happy here but now we must move on. Thanks so much.

  Sincerely,

  George

  President Ford did a terrific job during his visit to China. Although there were no major pronouncements (and none were expected), he managed to smooth out some rough edges and put the U.S.-China relationship back on track. Almost as soon as President Ford headed back to the States, so did we. I wrote the staff we left behind:

  December 7, 1975

  40,000’ between Tokyo and Honolulu

  Dear Friends,

  We are relaxing now. Fred wolfed down his dinner at Tokyo and now, I hope, he’s having pleasant dreams of harassing David, Robert, John & Evan.11 He will miss USLO—and that brings me to the point.

  To all the entire USLO family, American and Chinese, our heartfelt thanks for an unforgettable year of happiness. We shall miss you all. I will always be grateful for your service to this great country of ours and I will treasure the friendship you have given all the Bushes.

  Good luck, God speed, and thanks for so much—

  George Bush

  ex-chief

  Oh yes the party and our presents—the airport send off complete with great kids—do you think Mr. Lin Ping12 thinks it’s OK if my eyes got a little wet as I climbed up the ramp? Maybe it was the cold—GB

  I typed this draft of my opening remarks before the Senate confirmation hearings, which we squeezed in before Christmas:

  The Charge: Will not be able to stand up against White House Pressure because a politician—former Chairman of GOP.

  This charge has been levied and has been enlarged to include the ‘politicization’ of the CIA.

  First, I think it is wrong to suggest that a person who has participated in purely partisan politics cannot set that aside and be fair and independent of partisan politics when he or she embarks on a new undertaking.

  I have served in two responsible jobs dealing with Foreign Affairs—Ambassador at the U.N. and Chief of USLO in Peking. In neither of these jobs did I ‘politicize’ the mission. I laid politics aside.

  I will do the same in this new job. To set the record straight let me set out my intention to keep the Agency totally free from domestic politics. I will not attend political meetings. I will not discuss domestic politics as it relates to myself.

  I view being head of the CIA as negative factor in terms of one’s own political future.

  I will not agree that I will never, ever again, participate in politics. I don’t think any American should be asked to state that he won’t participate in the political process ever in the future.

  I will say that I am not a candidate for Vice President. I will not discuss this matter with my political friends. I will not encourage any such talk directly or indirectly and I state here and now I am not seeking the Vice Presidency and to the degree there has been public speculation about it, that speculation should end. I am not available. When confirmed for this job I will give it my all, without any thought of trying to make political mileage.

  Second, the charge has been made or the worry expressed that I might not be independent enough to withstand White House pressure or to strongly go to bat for a point of view which the Agency is totally agreed upon but that is known to be out of favor by the President.

  I have worked closely with the President in the past—both when I was a member of Congress and when I was Chairman of the Party. To me this should not be a liability as far as the Agency goes, but a plus. I will have access to the President. He knows that I can forcefully present matters that I believe in and I know that he will be fair in giving our views proper consideration.

  When I was Chairman of the GOP I was asked to do certain things at the Committee that I didn’t think were correct. I resisted White House pressure then, and in the highly unlikely event, the Agency was asked to do something that I viewed as against the laws of this Country or something that would weaken or cheapen the agency, I would resist again . . .

  The Charge—Has had no experience in this field.

  I might have to plead part guilty to this charge. I am not schooled in espionage. I am not intimately familiar with all the workings of the CIA. Nor have I had much personal contact with other intelligence agencies that would have given me a total insight as to how they work.

  On the other hand I have served in two important diplomatic assignments. In both of these I have had access to analysis done by the CIA. I think I have a clear picture of what good intellig
ence can do and should do.

  As to the charge itself. The Rockefeller Commission made the suggestion that “Persons appointed to the position of Director of Central Intelligence should be individuals of stature, independence, and integrity. In making this appointment, consideration should be given to individuals from outside the career services of the CIA, although promotion from within should not be barred.”

  Having had serious responsibilities in foreign affairs, having sat in on Cabinet meetings for four years running, I feel that I have a proper sense of the role of the agency. I appreciate its fundamental importance.

  I also feel that with a rather broad background in public life which includes four years in Congress I am sensitive to the proper demands in this country that the Agency in the future not engage in the excesses of the past.

  I have had enough management experience in business and in public life that I believe I know how to run an organization.

  I must earn the confidence of my peers at the Agency and I am well aware of that. I am not, however, overawed at the prospect.

  I intend to provide leadership, strong leadership both to the Agency and to the coordinating efforts for all intelligence which is a vital part of my job; but I believe this can be done while accomplishing an equally important task. That is the restoration of confidence in the CIA from without, and the restoration of morale within.

  January 3, 1976

  MEMORANDUM

  FOR:

  The President

  FROM:

  George Bush

  SUBJECT:

  Suggestions for Presidential Directive to the new Director-CIA

  Since our last conversation I have had many intelligence briefings and I have read the various reform proposals that have been submitted to you, along with some that weren’t submitted.

  I have not felt free to attend official coordinating meetings, not wanting to put any pressure on Bill Colby who has been extraordinarily thoughtful to me. I do want, however, to give you some of my personal views, before any final decisions are made—decisions that clearly affect the conduct of my new job.