All the Best, George Bush: My Life in Letters and Other Writings

by George H. W. Bush

  Because of that, I also understand that I risk straining our friendship when I make suggestions as to what might be done now. But the U.S.-China relationship, which we have both worked so hard to strengthen, demands the candor with which only a friend can speak.

  If some way can be found to close the chapter on the students whose actions were those of peaceful demonstrators, that would help enormously.

  General Scowcroft reported to me that many of those arrested were common criminals, repeat offenders. I am not talking about these people.

  If forgiveness could be granted to the students and, yes, to their teachers, this would go a long way to restoring worldwide confidence. Such a move could well lead to improved relations with many countries. For example, it would give me the opportunity to make a statement supporting your decision. Also, if it would be helpful to China, I could then publicly dispatch a high-level emissary to Beijing thus signaling to the world that our country was prepared to work our way back towards more normal relations.

  You see, rightly or wrongly, it was the students who captured the imagination of so many people around the world. They are young and, like students everywhere, they are idealistic.

  In our country, as Li Peng pointed out, there was, not long ago, much student unrest. There was some force used to quell the unrest and much criticism came our way. Many countries criticized us. Perhaps China did. But the unrest disappeared in time and the students here were leniently treated, even though some of our laws were deliberately broken. We never doubted that the students, even in dissent, truly loved our country.

  Perhaps the differences in our systems are so great that you will find the above analogy irrelevant. I hope not. But of this I feel certain: the Chinese students who have spoken out truly love China. . . .

  Please understand that this letter has been personally written, and is coming to you from one who wants to see us go forward together.

  Please do not be angry with me if I have crossed the invisible threshold lying between constructive suggestion and “internal interference.”

  When we last met, you told me you had turned more day-to-day matters over to others; but I turn to you now out of respect, a feeling of closeness and, yes, friendship.

  You have seen it all—you’ve been up and down. Now I ask you to look with me into the future. This future is one of dramatic change. The U. S. and China each has much to contribute to this exciting future. We can both do more for world peace and for the welfare of our own people if we can get our relationship back on track. I have given you my unsolicited advice. Now I earnestly solicit your advice. If there is to be a period of darkness, so be it; but let us try to light some candles.

  Respectfully,

  George Bush

  [Deng’s reply was respectful, but he held steadfastly to their position that this was their internal affair. Eventually, our relationship and friendship would recover, but it took a while to work through these problems.]

  On July 31 we received word that Marine colonel Robert Higgins, who was being held hostage in Lebanon, had been murdered because of Israel’s refusal to release prisoners being held for terrorist activities. Higgins had been kidnapped a year earlier, ironically while serving as part of a UN peacekeeping force.

  July 31st

  We were in Chicago when we heard that Higgins had been executed, murdered, and I made the decision to turn around and come home back to Washington . . . They released a videotape showing his execution, and all in all, it’s a sick situation. On the way back to Washington, I called De Cuellar31 at the U.N., and he told me he doesn’t want to believe that this is real. They’re liars, he said, they’d done this thing before. I told him that we felt that they should make a demand that the body be returned . . .

  This is cowardly, horrible terrorism. A very complicated and difficult situation right now, but we will get our best intelligence; get our best involvement with everyone; and see what we can do. . . .

  August 1, 1989

  Mr. Merle Haggard

  Palo Cedro, California 96073

  Dear Merle,

  “Me and Crippled Soldiers”32 said a lot.

  I read that a comrade in the U. N. Peacekeeping Force told Col. Higgins that if he removed the stars and stripes patch the radicals would not bother him. He was a great Marine and, of course, he said “No”.

  He’s dead now. He sure gave a damn. And he loved the flag.

  I am going to keep on about our flag. Your song was great. Good luck,

  George Bush

  August 7th

  The Congress has gone home—thank God! We had a relatively quiet day. I went to salute the Department of War’s 200th anniversary, and I addressed the end of my remarks to Colonel Higgins. My voice cracked, because I feel so emotionally involved in this matter. The FBI came out today and said that Higgins was most likely killed earlier, and I think of his courageous little wife, who later in the day, I called.33 It is so brutal and so cruel what’s going on. The diplomacy is still going forward. . . .

  Bar went back to Maine, and the house, though bright, cheery and museum-like, is lonely. But I’m tired and I’ll go to bed real early. . . .

  The approval ratings stay high, and yet, I feel like we’re on a kind of uneasy precarious perch. We’re not getting the legislation through to support me on clean air, on anti-drugs, education, or any of these things—it’s in the Congress. We were attacked tonight on our political appointees, and that irks me, too. The end of a grumpy Monday, August 7th.

  For years my cousin Betty Holden and I, as the only two members of our exclusive Poetry Club, have exchanged poetry with each other.

  August 12, 1989

  Dear Beldy Girl:

  . . . I strongly oppose expanding the Club. . . . I just don’t want to see our standards lowered. Incidentally, I thought your recent offerings held high our standards. “Monsieur Curley, Un peu surley”—a genuine classic—and then the classic rhyme that brought life to truly new height “jog, fog”—oh yes—and the truly memorable one “horse shoe-leaner, demeanor—” No, let us not lower our standards just cause there is clamor for outsiders wanting to be insiders. Why risk excellence when it is so hard to come by.

  Of course within the next 12 months I shall serve up another contribution or 2. I may well make my next offering a poetic insight into world leaders—or should I stay with family, or a domestic policy theme? The joy of figuring out how best to contribute is upon me.

  On Wednesday next I head to K’port for a rest. Bar is there now—only 9 grandchildren on the point, but worry not, the other 2 soon arrive. Rest? Oh well.

  Love to all,

  GB

  [I will not be brave and share any of my poetry. But I will share one of the above mentioned poems from Betty:

  they say it makes the secret service unduly nervous

  trying to jog in Maine fog

  to locate their president

  and not confuse him with another resident.]

  September 4th

  . . . I feel comfortable in the job—not overwhelmed—and confident that I can hold my own for the United States in the international forum. But on the domestic side—it troubles me the most. I worry long run about the 1991 budget and how to get it in shape. Sununu is doing a very good job, and got some good press over the summer. He’s doing a superb job. . . .

  Dog note: Ranger is now almost part of our family—a big lovable guy who bounds in. Both dogs sleep on our bed—Ranger and Millie—and they get along fine, although every once in awhile, Millie has to discipline her son. It’s a joy watching them, particularly running through the woods at Camp David sniffing and sniffing, and turning, and dramatically running after a deer here and there. I really love them. . . .34

  September 10th

  The question came up whether to see Boris Yeltsin.35 The Ambassador recommends that he be received in the White House, but not necessarily by me. I think it’s a good thing to do. Yeltsin is over here and seems to be blasting Gorbachev .
. . State is goosey about my seeing him, but I don’t quite see why we shouldn’t see him. . . . The Soviets receive all kinds of people running for President who are against me and trying to get my job, so they’ve got to be understanding about our willingness to see their people, especially those who want to see perestroika succeed. It’s not like we’re seeing some curmudgeon who was trying to throw Gorbachev totally out of office. . . .

  Although Dan Rostenkowski and I were on opposite sides of the political aisle, I had enormous respect for this powerful congressman from Illinois and chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. I knew he always had the country’s best interests in mind. An article came out in the Wall Street Journal saying that our friendship sometimes clouded the issues, to Dan’s detriment. I wrote him this note:

  Sept. 19th Spokane to D. C.

  Dear Dan,

  Sometimes Washington D. C. can be pretty mean and ugly—People write vicious stuff. Small minded politicos and gossipy pundits want winners and losers.

  I saw an ugly piece in the WSJ today: and I hated it. My heart hurt.

  Dan, you got your views on taxes and I’ve got mine. You’ve got your big job to do and I’ve got mine; but for me—more important than this issue is a friendship.

  I do not want the battle up there to affect a friendship that means a lot to me. Don’t let’s let the carpers on either side diminish something that matters—at least to me.

  That my friendship with you now appears to some to be a burden to you troubles the hell out of me.

  I called you Friday but given today’s WSJ piece I felt it better to scribble this personal note. Long after the dust has settled on tax bills, reconciliations, amendments and all the rest—Long after all of this, we will be friends.

  Right now I am sorry if our closeness has hurt my pal, but there’s tomorrow out there. I care, Barbara too—

  Call me, come see me, or leave me be; but I’m your friend. I hope you know that—

  George

  October 7, 1989

  FROM THE PRESIDENT

  TO: Brent.

  Reading this, I am convinced more than ever that we should try to extricate Noriega.36 Let’s go back to the drawing board now.

  I think recent events make a grab of Noriega more acceptable certainly at home, maybe abroad. If he carries out the threats contained in the [intelligence] reports the climate both at home and internationally will be even better.

  Please discuss.

  gb

  By that fall, democracy and freedom were no longer marching through Eastern Europe—they were racing. Hungary had opened its Austrian borders earlier in the year, and a flood of “vacationing” East Germans were using this as an exit to the West. As a result, even East Germany—the jewel in the crown of the Soviet’s Warsaw Pact—was teetering on the verge of collapse. It all came crashing down on November 9 when the Berlin Wall was opened. It was the beginning of the end for not only East Germany, but the entire Warsaw Pact. However, despite the euphoria, it was still a fragile and even frightening time. The Soviet Union still had troops and tanks stationed in East Germany, and we knew it was not entirely impossible for Gorbachev to clamp down. We were all haunted by the crushing of the uprisings in Hungary in 1956 and in Prague in 1968. We did not want to provoke a similar disaster. I dictated to my diary:

  November 8th

  I keep hearing the critics saying we’re not doing enough on Eastern Europe; here the changes are dramatically coming our way and, if any one event—Poland, Hungary or East Germany—had taken place, people would say, “This is great.” But it’s all moving fast—moving our way—and you’ve got a bunch of critics jumping around saying we ought to be doing more. What they mean is, double spending. It doesn’t matter what, just send money; I think it’s crazy. And if we mishandle this and get way out [in front] looking like [the rebellions are] an American project—you would invite crackdown, and invite negative reaction that could result in bloodshed. The longer I’m in this job, the more I think prudence is a value and experience matters. . . .

  November 10th

  We get a message from Gorbachev yesterday urging that we not overreact. He worries about demonstrators in Germany that might get out of control, and he asked for understanding. I think Kohl and the other leaders know we’re being restrained, but Kohl’s only suggestion is that we get the IMF37 to move before the end of November to help Poland. He thinks the Polish leaders are naïve. They are good people, and they really want to succeed. Moscow warns me in the same letter about letting this talk of reunification get out of hand. It causes them real problems, but what I’ve been saying is, this is a matter for self-determination, and a matter for the German people, and I don’t think he could object to that.38

  November 13th

  Lech Walesa came to town, and we had a very moving ceremony.39 . . . We presented him with the “empty chair,” symbolic of the honorary degrees that he once could not receive at various universities but where they placed an empty chair on the stage to honor him. So we did the same thing.

  The labor group is in town for the AFL-CIO convention; and from Lane Kirkland on down the heads of all the unions were there. We surprised Lane Kirkland with the Citizens Medal40—just a notch below the Medal of Freedom—and he was totally surprised and very, very moved. In the receiving line, the labor union leaders one after another told me how nice it was. They were deeply moved and deeply touched by this.

  . . . Now I’m under fire from George Mitchell41 saying I ought to go to Berlin, and the posturers are all over the place. Mary McGrory hits me on lack of emotion, but I think it’s coming out just about right.

  Meanwhile, with all this whirling around, one of my best friends died, C. Fred Chambers. I attended the funeral but could not bring myself to speak. I asked Marvin to deliver my eulogy instead. I wrote Marion Chambers:

  Nov. 16th, 1989

  Dear Marion,

  I hope I haven’t let you down by not speaking in tribute to C. Fred. We’ve got a good pinch hitter lined up—my boy Marv. It’s the same because all of us Bushes loved Fred. Oh, I loved him the most—I laughed with him and played and giggled like best friends are supposed to do; but the point is Bar and the kids—all of us loved your man.

  There are so many funny wonderful things that will lift me up if I ever get down.

  Remember when we caught the red-fish, Fred & I. We brought ‘em over to Bar to clean & cook (unfair I know but Fred & I just had to go off for some steam.) Anyway we had the steam [bath] and a beer or two—came back and the whole house smelled. Regrettably, I said to Bar “You don’t expect me to eat this s—t, do you?” She cried—Fred & I laughed. I’ll bet she never forgives us. I blamed Fred, but that’s what friends are for. There was the golf, business together—bar b que together.

  And the politics—I’d lose but he was at my side to pick me up and dust me off. He made me understand that defeat is not the end—there’s a tomorrow and sure enough he was right—tomorrow is today—and I still feel his arm around my shoulder.

  God Bless you and Yours. I’ll never ever forget C. Fred. I will always love him—my true, ever true, best friend—

  George Bush

  Preparations were under way for my meeting with Gorbachev on Malta in early December. I had told Gorbachev we should have a “no agenda” meeting, but of course I already had a long list of things I wanted to discuss with him. I decided maybe I should give him a heads-up. This is my first handwritten draft of the letter I eventually sent him:

  Nov. 22, 1989

  Dear Mr. President,

  After talking with Anatoly Dobrynin42 yesterday it occurred to me that even though we have a “no agenda” meeting, you might be interested in some of the topics I would like to discuss—

  Here is a non-inclusive list:

  A. Eastern Europe

  B. Regional Differences

  Central America

  Angola

  Afghanistan

  Middle East

  Asia (Cambodi
a)

  C. The Defense Spending of both our Countries and how changing times will affect these numbers.

  D. Your vision and mine of the world at the start of the next Century (2000)

  E. Human Rights

  F. Arms control—philosophy & objectives in a broad, general sense

  Of course, you will have your own priorities—

  I want the meeting to be seen as a success.

  Success does not mean deals signed in my view. It means that you & I are frank enough with each other, in a confidential setting, so that our two great countries will not have tensions that arise simply because we don’t know each others innermost thinking.

  I will be working with our top people for the next week to flesh out our side’s thinking. I will not try to bring off a “December surprise” but if there is some proposal not covered by the list above I will feel free to make it.

  I am writing this on the eve of our special Thanksgiving Day—a Day in which all Americans thank God for our blessings.

  I will give thanks for the fact that we are living in times of enormous promise—that our 11 grandchildren might have a real chance to grow up in a less scary more peaceful world.

  I will give thanks that you are pressing forward with glasnost-perestroika,43 for you see, the fate of my own precious grandkids and yours is dependent on perestroika’s success—

  With respect,

  George Bush

  My brother Bucky wrote and said that Carol Walker, married to our first cousin Bert, was concerned because her name had shown up in the newspaper as being pro-choice.

  Nov. 28, 1989