Ike and McCarthy
Page 33
In a June 1955 legislative leaders’ meeting, Eisenhower discussed McCarthy’s ongoing efforts to regain his status. McCarthy had criticized the president for agreeing to talk with Soviet leaders at a Big Four (United States, USSR, United Kingdom, France) meeting in San Francisco. He had introduced a resolution calling for the United States to negotiate solely “about the liberation of the countries [in Eastern Europe] now held captive by the Communists—and nothing else.” Neither Ike nor his congressional leaders took the senator’s resolution seriously. Ike boasted that he “could know more about Europe in five minutes than McCarthy could in fifteen years.” Then he repeated the truism making the rounds in Washington. “It’s no longer McCarthyism,” he said. “It’s McCarthywasm.”21
In late 1955, McCarthy called and asked John Adams to come to his home. As they sat down, Joe poured six ounces of gin. “He looked awful.” Adams recalled. “He had lost about forty pounds, and his hands shook. He was having trouble drinking, and gin trickled from the corners of his mouth when he took a sip.” It was a strange, superficially friendly visit, “as if the Army-McCarthy hearings had never happened.” When McCarthy walked Adams to the door, John said, “So long, Joe.” He described the man he left at the door as “the cadaverous visage of McCarthyism, standing silently in the shadows, slowly dying.”22
On May 2, 1957, Senator Joseph R. McCarthy died—the victim, according to his death certificate, of “hepatitis, acute, cause unknown.” He was forty-eight years of age.23
IN IKE’S OWN WORDS
On November 23, 1968, Eisenhower edited an article he had drafted for publication in Reader’s Digest. The essay elaborated on an enduring theme in the Eisenhower White House, decrying “extremism” and exalting “moderation” and “the middle way” as the “common sense” way to get things done.
On that day, four months before his death, Eisenhower reviewed the words he had previously written; that earlier draft included harsh language about McCarthy that, as president, he had adamantly refused to use in public. Discussing “extremists,” he had written, “The worst of these during my administration was Senator Joseph McCarthy.” Though some extremists were “sincere men” and “honest in their convictions,” he concluded, “Joe McCarthy was not. He was a vicious demagogue, who in his thirst for personal publicity wrecked the lives and careers of many decent people.” Now Eisenhower thought better of that statement and scribbled a note to his editor, asking that it be eliminated.
Eisenhower still wrestled with how candid to be about McCarthy’s extremism. “Actually,” he wrote, “I yearned in every fiber of my being to do precisely what my critics were urging—to issue a ringing denunciation of the senator and all his evil works.” Ike, the cautious editor, crossed out “evil.” He explained that he had decided that a rhetorical attack would only make McCarthy “a hero and a martyr.” “I continued to refuse to get down in the gutter,” Eisenhower wrote, “with one of the worst extremists of this century.” He crossed out the latter phrase, instead stating that he had refused to fight McCarthy on the senator’s “own terms.”
Eisenhower did not reveal any details about the deceptive operation he had employed to destroy the Wisconsin senator. Still, he could not resist a hint: “What a lot of people even today don’t know is that behind the scenes I was doing all I could to assist those who were wrongly accused, and in many cases my efforts were effective. Also, although I did not mention McCarthy’s name publicly, I spoke out time after time against the despicable kind of tactics he was using.”
Ike recalled that once the struggle with McCarthy was over, a former aide and critic of his approach to McCarthy confessed to the president: “By gosh, Mr. President, you were right about McCarthy.” Smiling, Eisenhower responded, “Sometimes I am.”24
Dwight D. Eisenhower died on March 28, 1969; his article “We Must Avoid the Perils of Extremism” was published the following month. For all his editing, Dwight Eisenhower had finally—publicly—denounced Joe McCarthy.
Dwight D. Eisenhower, campaigning in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on October 3, 1952, tried unsuccessfully to avoid shaking hands with Senator Joseph McCarthy. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
Vice President Richard Nixon advised Eisenhower about McCarthy and Washington politics. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
Eisenhower consults with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles (left) and Charles “Chip” Bohlen, Eisenhower’s choice as ambassador to the Soviet Union, whose nomination McCarthy opposed. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
McCarthy consults with his chief counsel, Roy Cohn, who pushed McCarthy to investigate the US Army. Getty Images
G. David Schine was a consultant to McCarthy’s investigations subcommittee before being drafted into the army. The privileges McCarthy and Cohn sought for him precipitated the Army-McCarthy hearings. Karl E. Mundt Foundation
Eisenhower with Army Secretary Robert Stevens. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
John G. Adams, army counsel, compiled a key report detailing McCarthy and Cohn’s efforts to obtain special privileges for Private Schine. US Army, courtesy Harry S. Truman Library
Eisenhower with Press Secretary James Hagerty, a confidant on handling McCarthy. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
Assistant Secretary of Defense Fred Seaton oversaw Eisenhower’s covert campaign against McCarthy. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
H. Struve Hensel, Pentagon general counsel, collaborated closely with Seaton in the campaign against McCarthy. Seeley G. Mudd Library, Princeton University, and the US Navy
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., ambassador to the United Nations, was a confidential adviser to Eisenhower regarding McCarthy and other political matters. United States Senate Historical Office
Senator Karl E. Mundt (R–South Dakota), chaired the Army-McCarthy hearings. Karl E. Mundt Foundation
On February 18, 1954, Senator McCarthy charged that World War II hero General Ralph W. Zwicker was “not fit” to wear the uniform of the US Army. The National Archives
This Herblock cartoon, dated March 4, 1954, portrayed McCarthy as ruthless and Eisenhower as too cautious, which is how many in the media regarded the two men. Herb Block Foundation
Senator Everett Dirksen (R–Illinois) tried repeatedly to make a deal that would end the Army-McCarthy hearings. The Dirksen Congressional Center
Edward R. Murrow attacked McCarthy on his See It Now television program on March 9, 1954, not long before the Army-McCarthy hearings began. Tufts University
Senator Ralph Flanders (R–Vermont) criticized McCarthy on the floor of the US Senate and eventually introduced a censure resolution. United States Senate Historical Office
Joseph Welch, the Boston lawyer who represented the army during the Army-McCarthy hearings, charged that Senator McCarthy had “no sense of decency.” Karl E. Mundt Foundation
The televised Army-McCarthy hearings gripped the nation’s attention from April 22 to June 17, 1954. Karl E. Mundt Foundation
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A generation ago, the two men to whom this book is dedicated—William Bragg Ewald Jr. and Fred I. Greenstein—blazed the trail on Dwight Eisenhower’s role in the Joseph McCarthy saga. Their insights were largely ignored by historians thereafter, although Greenstein’s iconic “hidden hand” characterization of Eisenhower’s leadership outlived its original context. Both men personally urged me to proceed with this project.
Ewald had first access to the documents Fred A. Seaton, assistant secretary of defense during the Army-McCarthy hearings, collected on Eisenhower’s orders. I am indebted to the Seaton family who, upon Fred Seaton’s death, donated his “eyes only” file to the Eisenhower Presidential Library in Abilene, Kansas. I am grateful to the Eisenhower Library staff and archivists for editing and organizing those documents for effective research. The living members of the Seaton family made contributions to my research. Fred Seaton’s son Don and his nephews Ed and David provided context from their person
al experiences, supplementing Gladys Seaton’s oral history.
Former Eisenhower aides provided important perspectives. I am indebted to Bill Ewald’s son William Ewald III for facilitating conversations with his father. Douglas Price, a campaign aide in 1952, sent me documents relating to Eisenhower’s controversial appearance in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Robert Kieve, a White House speechwriter, provided a copy of his personal diary. White House assistant Stephen Benedict provided insight into the personal lives of those serving in the Eisenhower White House.
Some treasured colleagues have supported and improved my work. Irwin F. Gellman made constructive suggestions, counseled me through difficult moments, and assisted with insight on Richard Nixon’s role. My colleagues at the annual Eisenhower Academy in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania—Daun van Ee, Michael Birkner, Keith Olson, and George Colburn—have provided ongoing insights and advice. Van Ee reviewed the manuscript and facilitated access to the Eisenhower published papers he had edited. Carol Hegeman, the director of the Eisenhower Academy for the National Park Service, first invited me to participate in the Academy and connected me with these scholars.
I am particularly indebted to Duane Krohnke, a retired Minneapolis attorney and authority on Joseph Welch, his fellow alumnus at Grinnell College in Iowa. Duane provided me with documents unavailable elsewhere, especially Fred Fisher’s account of the hiring of Welch as Army counsel for the Army-McCarthy hearings. Duane also connected me with Ann M. Lousin, a Chicago attorney, and Nancy Welch, Welch’s granddaughter, both of whom provided important information about Welch and McCarthy.
Ambassador Avis Bohlen, Ambassador Charles Bohlen’s daughter, provided important information on the Bohlen family and early access to her introduction to her uncle Charles Thayer’s memoir. Arthur Hadley, a Newsweek journalist in the 1950s, provided perspectives on McCarthy and Army secretary Robert Stevens. John P. Burke at the University of Vermont, provided an interview Fred Greenstein had conducted with Herbert Brownell Jr., Eisenhower’s attorney general. Brownell’s daughter Ann Brownell Sloane has both encouraged my work and provided insights into her father’s role. The Eisenhower family has been consistently supportive of my work on the Eisenhower legacy. Thomas C. Reeves and Richard M. Fried, McCarthy biographers, have advised me. Michael S. Mayer’s 2009 book of profiles on key figures in the Eisenhower administration has been an indispensable resource.
Colleagues nearby provided vital assistance. Dalene McDonald, the director of Southwestern College’s Deets Library, arranged for my access to the files of The Washington Post, and her staff facilitated dozens of interlibrary loan requests. Nan Myers at Wichita State University’s Ablah Library facilitated extended access to the transcripts of the Army-McCarthy hearings. James A. Shepherd, the former provost at Southwestern College and now president of Thomas University in Georgia, educated me about the traditions of military deception that Eisenhower applied to his conflict with McCarthy.
No serious scholar of the Eisenhower presidency can function without the assistance of the wonderful staff at the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library in Abilene, Kansas. Karl Weissenbach, the former director, and his successor, Tim Rives, have supported my research and promoted my Eisenhower books. Archivist Christopher Abraham was helpful in the early stages of my research. Retired long-time archivists David Haight and Jim Leyerzapf advised me. The research-friendly condition of the Eisenhower archives can be attributed, in no small part, to their decades of dedicated labor.
Other document collections were critical. The Massachusetts Historical Society in Boston facilitated my research in the Henry Cabot Lodge Papers. The Seeley-Mudd Library at Princeton University provided documents online. The Dartmouth College Library facilitated my research in the Sherman Adams papers. The Karl E. Mundt Archives at Dakota State College in South Dakota made the senator’s unpublished memoir available. The University of Rochester in New York and Syracuse University libraries facilitated my research in the Thomas E. Dewey and Ralph E. Flanders papers.
Prologue, a publication of the National Archives, gave my scholarship on Eisenhower and McCarthy exposure in the October 2015 issue. Prologue published photographs that are now included in this book. Other sources of photographs include the document sites above, the Senate Historical Office and the Herbert Block Foundation. The assistance of Kathy Struss at the Eisenhower Library in identifying photographs has been exceptional.
I save some special credits for last. I never would have published with Simon & Schuster without the advocacy of my agent, Will Lippincott. My editor, Bob Bender, counseled me through the process of completing the manuscript, and skillfully edited it. His assistant, Johanna Li, has provided superb technical assistance.
Then there is my wife, Grace. She has edited every word, provided wise feedback, and supported me personally in ways that cannot be adequately shared here. In fairness, her name should be on the book.
Also by David A. Nichols
"A staggering moment of peril, vividly captured by a gifted author. . . . A splendid book." —Los Angeles Times
Eisenhower 1956
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
© GARY E. HANNA
DAVID A. NICHOLS is an authority on the Eisenhower presidency. He has written two previous books about Eisenhower, A Matter of Justice: Eisenhower and the Beginning of the Civil Rights Revolution and Eisenhower 1956: The President’s Year of Crisis—Suez and the Brink of War.
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NOTES
ABBREVIATIONS
ACW: Ann C. Whitman
AEC: AtomicEnergy Commission
AWD: Allen W. Dulles
BSP: Bernard Shanley Papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
CDJP: C. D. Jackson Papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
CF/OF: Central Files/Official File, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
DDE: Dwight D. Eisenhower
DDEP: The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, ed. Louis Galambos and Daun van Ee, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1970–2003
DDEPL: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
FASP: Fred A. Seaton Papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
FRUS: Foreign Relations of the United States
HCLP: Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society
HEW: Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
IIA: International Information Administration
JEH: J. Edgar Hoover
JFD: John Foster Dulles
JFDP: John Foster Dulles Papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
JHP: James Hagerty Papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Libr
ary
LC: Library of Congress
MHS: Massachusetts Historical Society
NSC: National Security Council
OH: Oral history
OSANSA: Office of Special Assistant for National Security Affairs
PC: Press conference
PPP: Public Papers of the Presidents, American Presidency Project, University of California, Santa Barbara, online
RG: Record Group
RNC: Republican National Committee
SGMML: Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library, Princeton University
UN: United Nations
USIA: United States Information Agency
VOA: Voice of America
WH: White House
WHOSS: White House, Office of the Staff Secretary, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library
PREFACE
1. I am indebted to Michael J. Birkner, “Eisenhower and the Red Menace,” Prologue, Fall 2001, for clarifying the distinction between 1953 and 1954.
2. In Fred Greenstein’s iconic phrase, Ike employed a “hidden hand” to destroy Joe McCarthy; see Fred I. Greenstein, The Hidden-Hand Presidency: Eisenhower as Leader (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982).