Behind Diplomatic Lines
Page 12
16 DECEMBER 1988
David Mellor was to have given a talk today on his year in the FCO, but had to cancel with Edwina Currie’s resignation over salmonella in eggs (leaving him in the sole glare of publicity at the Department of Health).
1989
5 JANUARY 1989
Ministers seem to have been fairly quiet over Christmas, with not too much jostling for the television screens (though William Waldegrave has not done badly over the PLO and the Chemical Weapons Convention in Paris).
9 JANUARY 1989
I put forward to Geoffrey Howe for his return this week a paper on top appointments for 1990–92. [Interestingly, nearly all of them turned out to be wrong, with the exception of John Weston for NATO. My forecast for PUS (also wrong) was, at this stage, Robin Renwick.]
11 JANUARY 1989
Geoffrey Howe returned from his Arabian visits this morning – a good trip, with some warm and encouraging discussions in the Gulf. But he was furious at being kept waiting five hours by King Fahd. Both he and Stephen Wall were all for leaving without seeing him. Not surprisingly, Stephen Egerton and David Gore-Booth had talked him out of it, at the cost of getting some stick for being ‘typically camel corps’.
12 JANUARY 1989
I lunched with Peter Middleton at the Reform Club. He thinks Nigel Lawson would like to be Foreign Secretary, but his wife Therese refuses to fly; she seems to have spent much of his career travelling to and fro on long-distance liners. Peter also admitted that Lawson does not like foreigners. We both agreed that Cecil Parkinson was unlikely to be made Chancellor of the Exchequer.
George Soros called on me at noon, to describe his initiative to inject capitalism, as he put it, into the Soviet Union. An extraordinary man, of Hungarian origin, who started life as a waiter in a Wheeler’s restaurant. He is now a multi-billionaire, with good connections in Hungary and the Soviet Union of Armand Hammer proportions. I found him very nice. A curious, and unusual, blend of extreme enthusiasm and originality, with realism about the economic prospects in the Soviet Union, which he regards as a catastrophe. He was here to solicit the Prime Minister’s interest and support for his ideas when she meets Gorbachev.
16 JANUARY 1989
William Waldegrave’s call on Arafat in Tunis, and his reference to Shamir’s past as a ‘terrorist’, has led to a renewed storm in the press about FO twits and anti-Semitism. The PM was said to be furious (no doubt with her Finchley constituents in mind), and has issued an instruction that there are to be no more statements, and clarifying her own views as: a) that we do not accept the idea of a Palestinian State; b) that we still believe in the idea of a Palestinian confederation with Jordan; and c) that she has no intention of receiving Arafat himself.
17 JANUARY 1989
William Waldegrave asked me to call, primarily in order to seek reassurance about his remarks in Tunis. I told him that any minister seen shaking hands with Arafat on television could have expected similar flak. I added that I did not personally disagree with one word he had said. I also pointed out the illogicality of accepting the idea of a confederation with Jordan, but not the concept of a Palestinian State. What else would Jordan be confederated with?
William had to answer a Private Notice Question (PNQ) in the House this afternoon, and got about 95 per cent support from MPs, with only two hostile questions from Greville Janner and Ivan Lawrence. The PM stayed behind on the bench, and much improved William’s morale by saying ‘well done’ at the end.
When Charles Powell called this afternoon, he told me that the PM’s real objection to William’s remarks about Shamir was that it was ‘bad diplomacy’, and not designed to encourage the Israelis to be more forthcoming. I take this with a grain of salt (and why not encourage Arafat to be more forthcoming by agreeing to receive him?). When I later congratulated William on his performance in the House of Commons, he was clearly much relieved, commenting that he had at least lived to fight another day.
18 JANUARY 1989
I joined Simon Glenarthur and Janet Young for a meeting to discuss the foreign affairs debate next week in the House of Lords, at which Janet wants to speak helpfully about the service. I gave her some ideas, and will probably also talk to Denis Greenhill, who has offered to help. The debate has been sparked off by Roy Jenkins, and is probably designed to reveal, or invent, splits between No. 10 and the FCO on European policies.
22 JANUARY 1989
I spent all day demolishing two boxes, on my return from visits to East and West Berlin, including a brief report from Geoffrey Howe of his talk with the PM about top appointments in the service. She seems determined to keep Antony Acland in Washington beyond his sixtieth birthday, which throws our scenario into some disarray, unless David Hannay becomes PUS and Robin Renwick goes to Washington in, say, 1991 or 1992.
23 JANUARY 1989
A series of fairly wild telegrams from Stephen Day in Tunis about Arab/Israel and the PLO. William Waldegrave is nevertheless (or should I say therefore?) much impressed by him, and commented that the office was not exactly over-full of people so full of new ideas.
I later joined John Fretwell for a talk with Lieutenant General Vernon Walters, the US ambassador-designate to Bonn. I tried to encourage him to listen to John Fretwell (since he claimed to be calling in order to seek our wisdom and advice on Germany, rather than simply regale us with garrulous stories). An entertaining man; but a bit over the top.
A worrying letter today from David Goodall about Peter Morrison [now Minister of State for Energy, and ex-chairman of the Conservative Party], who got drunk in David’s residence and poured out offensive attacks against the FCO, saying that we were all useless wimps; hated throughout the Conservative Party; and despised by the PM, ‘for whom Charles Powell was the only useful member of the service’. David received some apologies from him next morning. But, in vodka veritas?
24 JANUARY 1989
I received a group of French parliamentarians, of different political parties, to discuss the implications of 1992 on the civil service and the diplomatic service. The three socialists tended to argue that there should be a European public service, with total interchange between nationalities; while the Gaullist and UDF (Union for French Democracy) members looked sceptical. In response to their question, I told them that I was pretty certain that there would still be a British diplomatic service in 1993; but that I was totally certain there would still be a French diplomatic service!
I lunched at The Observer, as the guest of Donald Trelford, who had just returned from Tehran with Tiny Rowland, who appears to be doing vast amounts of business with the Iranians, including developing their tea business, with Kenyan advice. Trelford himself had seen Velayati, who had claimed to be put out by his talks with William Waldegrave in Paris, on the grounds that two major powers with worldwide interests should have more to discuss than one British prisoner in Iran, or three British hostages in Lebanon. Trelford seems, from his own account, to have responded well.
25 JANUARY 1989
I had a drink with William Waldegrave, who is very worried by reports of Tiny Rowland’s activities in Iran, and warned me against Donald Trelford, whom he distrusts.
26 JANUARY 1989
Chris Patten called this evening to describe an encounter with Peter Morrison in the House of Commons, who had launched a vicious attack on the FCO in general, and David Goodall in particular; he said that he usually gave heads of mission two out of ten, but that David Goodall deserved zero out of ten. He also criticised the aid programme, saying that it was a waste of money. Chris claims that he replied that if he or Peter Morrison ended their careers having done as much for British national interests as David Goodall, they should be happy. I read Chris Patten extracts from David Goodall’s personal letter, explaining that I had given Geoffrey Howe an account without revealing David Goodall’s identity. I pointed out that at least Peter Morrison launched his attacks against heads of mission known to be outstandingly good.
I paid a quick visit
to Australia House for their annual reception, and congratulated Simon Glenarthur on his speech in the House of Lords debate, at which both Denis Greenhill and Janet Young had spoken up well.
7 FEBRUARY 1989
Geoffrey Howe was very pleased with his meeting today with Velayati, and impressed by him ‘as a man you can do business with’ – the PM’s description of Gorbachev. David Gore-Booth is a bit worried that Geoffrey may have been too nice to Velayati in discussing the Iran/Iraq War.
12 FEBRUARY 1989
Secretary of State Baker’s first visit to London, as part of an initial tour of NATO countries in eight days. Discussion was mainly on East–West relations and Strategic Nuclear Forces. Geoffrey Howe put up a strong marker on the need to resist sanctions against South Africa, and our hope that the new administration would give priority to Arab/Israel. A very cautious reaction on the latter suggests that Baker has no wish to move at all fast.
20 FEBRUARY 1989
After a weekend of conflicting statements out of Iran on whether Salman Rushdie was still ‘condemned to death’, EC foreign ministers met in Brussels this afternoon to discuss their reactions. The French, having withheld their ambassador from returning to Tehran, proposed that all EC heads of mission should be withdrawn in protest at Ayatollah Khomeini’s latest outburst. This puts us in difficulty, since Nick Browne had already recommended on security grounds that it would increase the risk to the rest of his staff if he was withdrawn. There were complicated negotiations by telephone between William Waldegrave and David Gore-Booth in London, and Geoffrey Howe and Rob Young in Brussels. These were interrupted by the Prime Minister in Frankfurt (for the Anglo-German summit) to say that all UK staff should be withdrawn, and Akhunzada-Basti, the Iranian diplomatic representative, told to leave London. (She apparently told Geoffrey Howe that if any of them were harmed, she would hold him personally responsible.) A sad development, just as we were trying to get back to more normal relations; but hardly surprising, given Iranian behaviour (and some intelligence that the Iranians were actually trying to put assassins to work).
21 FEBRUARY 1989
I am worried by our increasing tendency to close embassies at precisely the moment when you need someone in post. The staff in Tehran will be in a fairly demoralised state; for one or two of them, their heavy luggage and cars only arrived in Iranian customs this week. The Independent later had an uncomfortable account of discussions in Brussels, with a fairly accurate version of the PM’s telephone call to Geoffrey Howe, together with a claim that our eleven European partners were chortling at having wiped out the British presence in Tehran again.
28 FEBRUARY 1989
Problems have arisen over the PM’s visit to Africa at the end of March. The Home Secretary is pressing for the introduction of visas for Turkey and the Maghreb (including Morocco) – a longstanding case that will cause us both political and administrative problems. On the Sudan, the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) have produced a paper on its security and stability, which will almost certainly lead the PM not to go there. She is keen to go to Namibia instead (arriving on the first day of the United Nations presence), and Geoffrey Howe is disinclined to argue against. The department would have preferred her to go to Cairo, and William Waldegrave has dropped a major brick by giving the Egyptian ambassador the impression that she wants to go there, which David Gore-Booth has had to unscramble.
My talks with the Austrian PUS, Thomas Klestil [one of the few of my opposite numbers who went on to become Head of State], were mainly, as expected, about Austria’s application to join the European Community (on which Margaret Thatcher was already showing her dislike of the thought of ‘another German’ joining the club). The community is in no mood to absorb any new applicants, with Turkey already in the queue. Klestil made the point that Austria had saved Europe from Turkey in 1683, and would find it difficult now to be beaten into Europe by the Turks.
1 MARCH 1989
William Waldegrave is in Israel (having been preceded by stories of snubs from Shamir, who has refused to see him). He circulated yesterday the draft of a speech which he proposes to deliver in Israel on Sunday, entirely on the Arab/Israel question – quite a flamboyant and personalised piece, on which he has invited comments (with a clear message that he wants minimum changes). Geoffrey Howe only saw it this morning, and was much alarmed by it. He has sent William a telegram, after discussion with me, warning him that a speech by a British minister exclusively on Arab/Israel, and made in Israel, would be very controversial in Parliament here, and that he really should widen the theme. William will be dismayed, particularly since he sent it to Geoffrey with a personal note, saying that he hoped Geoffrey would discourage officials from changing it.
10 MARCH 1989
With Geoffrey Howe’s agreement, I spoke to Charles Powell today about the PM’s contacts with the Israelis. Moshe Arens, as Foreign Minister, has recently sent a message to her which Charles has asked the office not to reveal to the Israeli ambassador. I pointed out that this was playing the Israeli game of trying to drive wedges between the PM and her Foreign Office ministers. Charles predictably said that the PM would not want to cut off this sort of direct contact and channel; and at least we could be sure (!) that Charles would keep us informed – unlike David Wolfson, who used to be the PM’s channel to Peres. Charles suggested that Geoffrey Howe might want to raise the issue directly with the PM – commenting that he was prepared to bet that he wouldn’t!
16 MARCH 1989
I had a cheerful bilateral with Geoffrey Howe – chortling at his own wit in referring to a PUS bilateral as a ‘two-sided cat’ (he always addressed notes to me under the heading of PUSS).
29 MARCH 1989
Both the Prime Minister and Geoffrey Howe are travelling – the PM having now completed the Moroccan and Nigerian legs of her African tour. Both visits seem to have gone well, though the press have literally invented a story that King Hassan kept her waiting for an hour (with some highly offensive editorials suggesting that sleazy little monarchs should learn better manners). He was in fact scrupulously punctual throughout.
Geoffrey Howe has completed his visit to Pakistan, where he had good talks with Benazir Bhutto. Here again, the press have played up the very dignified protests he received about Salman Rushdie, as if he had been caught in a riot.
31 MARCH 1989
A great flurry over the House of Fraser affair, with The Observer producing a special mid-week edition on Mohamed Al-Fayed – subsequently blocked by an injunction (but only after it had appeared widely). The DTI totally failed to let us know what was happening until I telephoned Brian Hayes last night, to enable us at least to brief Roger Westbrook in Brunei. Simon Glenarthur telephoned from Scotland this evening, obviously put out that he had not been kept au courant (not surprisingly, since David Colvin had tactlessly, and incorrectly, hinted to him that he had not been kept informed because of his friendship with interested parties). I reassured him that the only reason for excluding anyone from full knowledge of the affair was extreme DTI sensitivity, and that Geoffrey Howe had ruled that it was only to be handled by the absolute minimum of officials.
3 APRIL 1989
Both the Prime Minister and Geoffrey Howe returned from their travels over the weekend – the PM’s visit to Namibia coinciding with a massive incursion of SWAPO guerrillas from Angola. This created a major crisis, which the PM seems to have handled with extraordinary skill and firmness, virtually taking charge of the entire UN operation, and speaking very firmly to Pik Botha in Windhoek. She really has made an extraordinary impact wherever she went.
5 APRIL 1989
Easter banquet this evening, at which I pointed out to Tim Eggar that the menu contained a list of Lord Mayors, including one thirteenth-century mayor ‘permitted to retire by command of the King’. I told him that I thought this might be a new formula for resolving diplomatic service structural problems!
6 APRIL 1989
The first day of Gorbachev’s visit, marred
by a furious letter from No. 10 about an alleged shambles at Heathrow last night on his arrival. The main problem seems to have been Leonid Zamyatin’s failure to introduce or control the Soviet delegations and swarms of Russian delegates, and security and the press got in the way.
7 APRIL 1989
I drove with Geoffrey Howe to the Guildhall for Gorbachev’s speech, and the Prime Minister’s reply. A glittering occasion, and superbly organised. I was added to the procession, in order to catch the cavalcade to Windsor for the Queen’s lunch.
A very select lunch list, with myself sitting between Denis Thatcher and Trevor Holdsworth (president of the CBI). The setting at Windsor was superb, with the Coldstream Guard of Honour in their Crimean greatcoats. A fascinating exhibition had been laid out in the drawing room, with exchanges of telegrams between George V and Kalinin on the gift of the Sword of Stalingrad, together with masses of photographs, documents and Fabergé items (including an open diary by a member of the royal family who attended a Tsarist wedding anniversary in the 1850s).