The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790)

by Benjamin Franklin

  THE PEACE COMMISSION: A TOTAL CHANGE HAD TAKEN PLACE IN THE MINISTRY

  Soon after this we heard from England that a total change had taken place in the ministry. The military victories of Gen. Washington had so strengthened the hands of opposition in Parliament that they had become the majority, and all of them declared strongly against the American war as unjust. They compelled the King to dismiss all his old ministers and their adherents. Lord Shelburne became Secretary of State. His intended kindness to the American prisoners, so as to render their voyage comfortable, gave me great pleasure, not so much on account of an expense to be saved by that means, but because I knew it would have an excellent effect in America, by its tendency to conciliate.

  Capt. Barry told me there was abundance of arms and ammunition in Boston, and the victory over Cornwallis furnished more. I was also informed that the cargo of clothing sent by the ship Marquis de Lafayette had arrived at Philadelphia from St. Thomas’s and was laid upon the hands of the importers. In sum, our American affairs wore a better aspect now than at any time heretofore. Our councils were perfectly united, our people all arm’d and disciplined. Much and frequent service as militia had indeed made them all soldiers. Our enemies were much diminish’d and reduc’d to two or three garrisons. Our commerce and agriculture flourished.

  England at length saw the difficulty of conquering us, and no longer demanded submission, but asked for peace. She endeavoured to obtain a federal union with us, but it was the interest of all Europe to prevent it. Having a change of sentiment, the British nation expressed an interest in making a separate peace with us exclusive of France, Spain and Holland, which, so far as it related to France, would be impossible. But Holland was stepping toward us, tho’ Spain did not yet think our friendship worth cultivating.

  I was one of five in the peace commission. The five persons were Messrs. Adams, Jay, Laurens, Jefferson and myself. I had hoped for the immediate assistance of Mr. Adams and Mr. Laurens, but the first was too engag’d in Holland to come to Paris, Mr. Laurens was still a prisoner in England, and Mr. Jefferson was not in Europe. Mr. Jay’s residence at Madrid was no longer so necessary, so I pressed Mr. Jay to come to France as soon as possible, and leave Mr. Carmichael there, that it might not seem as if we abandon’d that court. The Marquis de Lafayette was of great use in our affairs, and as the campaign was not very active in North America, I prevailed with him to stay and assist us in the negotiations.

  JOURNAL OF THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS

  I kept a very particular journal of what passed every day in the affairs of the peace negotiations, and prayed God that there would be wisdom enough assembled to make it possible a peace that would be perpetual, and that the idea of any nations being natural enemies to each other might be abolished, for the honour of human nature. I wished only for wise and honest men. With such, a peace might be speedily concluded, whereas with contentious wranglers the negotiation might be drawn into length and finally frustrated. Thus, we the commissioners of Congress were ready to meet those of Britain at such place as would be agreed to by all the powers of war, in order to form a treaty.

  Great affairs sometimes take their rise from small circumstances. My good friend and neighbour Madame Brillon, being at Nice all that winter [1781-82] for her health, with her very amiable family, wrote to me that they had met with some English gentry there, whose acquaintance prov’d agreeable; among them she nam’d Lord Cholmondely, who she said had promis’d to call in on his return to England, and drink tea with us at Passy. He left Nice sooner than she suppos’d, and came to Paris long before her. On the 21st of March [1782] I receiv’d a note from him wishing to see me. I wrote for answer that I should be at home all the next morning, and he came accordingly. I had before no knowledge of this nobleman. We talk’d of our friends whom he had left at Nice and then of affairs in England. He told me that he knew Lord Shelburne held a great regard for me, and that he was sure his Lordship would be pleas’d to hear from me, so I wrote him a letter.

  Soon after this we heard that Lord Shelburne had been made the new Secretary of State. An old friend and near neighbour of mine many years in London appeared at Passy and introduc’d a Mr. Richard Oswald, who gave me letters from Lord Shelburne and Mr. Laurens. Mr. Oswald was represented in the letter as fully appriz’d of Lord Shelburne’s mind, that the new ministry sincerely wish’d for peace, and that if the independence of the United States was agreed to, there was no other point in dispute; that they were ready to treat of peace, but intimated that if France should insist upon terms too humiliating to England, they could still continue the war, having yet great strength and many resources left. I let him know that America would not treat but in concert with France, and that my colleagues not being there, I could do nothing of importance in the affair, but that if he pleas’d I would present him to M. de Vergennes, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

  Mr. Oswald came accordingly, and we arriv’d at Versailles punctually. M. de Vergennes receiv’d him with much civility. Mr. Oswald not being ready in speaking French, Mr. de Raynevall interpreted. The conversation continued nearly an hour. He seem’d to wish to obtain some propositions to carry back with him, but Mr. de Vergennes said to him very properly, “There are four nations engag’d in the war against you, who cannot, till they have consulted and know each other’s minds, be ready to make propositions. Your court being without allies, and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it immediately. It is therefore more natural to expect the first propositions from you.”

  THEY WHO THREATEN ARE AFRAID

  On our return from Versailles, Mr. Oswald took occasion to impress me with ideas that the weakness of the government in England with regard to continuing the war was owing chiefly to the division of sentiments about it, and that in case France should make demands too humiliating for England to submit to, the spirit of the nation would be rous’d, unanimity would prevail, and resources would not be wanting. He said there was no want of money in the nation; that the chief difficulty lay in the finding new taxes to raise it: and perhaps those difficulties might be avoided by shutting up the Exchequer, stopping the payment of the interest on the public funds, and applying that money to the support of the war. I made no reply to this, for I did not desire to discourage their stopping payment, which I considered as cutting the throat of their public credit, and a means of adding fresh exasperation against them with the neighbouring nations: Such menaces were besides an encouragement with me, remembering the adage, that they who threaten are afraid.

  CANADA SHOULD BE GIVEN UP TO US

  The next morning, when I had written a letter to Lord Shelburne, I went with it to Mr. Oswald’s lodgings, and gave it him to read before I seal’d it, and he express’d himself much pleas’d. In going to him, I had also in view the entering into a conversation, which might draw out some of the mind of his court on the subject of Canada and Nova Scotia. I learned that there was a disposition in England to give us Canada and Nova Scotia. I had thrown some loose thoughts on paper, which I intended to serve as memorandums for my discourse, but without a fix’d intention of showing them to him. I remark’d that his nation seem’d to desire reconciliation with America; that I heartily wish’d the same thing: that a mere peace would not produce half its advantages if not attended with a sincere reconciliation; that to obtain this the party which had been the aggressor and had cruelly treated the other should show some mark of concern for what was past, and some disposition to make reparation; that perhaps there were things which America might demand by way of reparation and which England might yield; but that the effect would be vastly greater if they appeared to be voluntary, and to spring from returning goodwill; that I therefore wish’d England would think of offering something to relieve those who had suffer’d by its scalping and burning parties; lives indeed could not be restor’d nor compensated, but the villages and houses wantonly destroy’d might be rebuilt, &c.

  I then touch’d upon the affair of Canada, and I spoke of the occasions of future
quarrels that might be produc’d by England continuing to hold it, hinting at the same time but not expressing too plainly that such a situation so dangerous to us would necessarily oblige us to cultivate and strengthen our union with France. He appear’d much struck with my discourse; and as I frequently look’d at my paper, he desired to see it.

  He then told me that nothing in his judgment could be clearer, more satisfactory and convincing than the reasonings in that paper; that he would do his utmost to impress Lord Shelburne with them; that as his memory might not do them justice, and it would be impossible for him to express them so well or state them so clearly as I had written them, he begg’d I would let him take the paper with him, assuring me that he would return it safely into my hands. I at length comply’d with this request also. We parted exceedingly good friends, and he set out for London.

  I WAS ASHAMED TO LET THE PAPER GO OUT OF MY HANDS

  By the first opportunity after his departure, I wrote a letter to Mr. Adams and sent the papers mentioned, that he might be fully appriz’d of the proceedings. I omitted only the paper of notes for conversation with Mr. Oswald, but gave the substance of it. The reason for my omitting it was that on reflection, I was not pleas’d with my having hinted a reparation to the Tories for their forfeited estates; and I was a little asham’d of my weakness in permitting the paper to go out of my hands.

  On the 4TH of May, 1782, Mr. Oswald return’d and brought me a letter from Lord Shelburne. He told me that they were very sincerely dispos’d to peace; that the whole ministry concurr’d in the same dispositions; that a good deal of confidence was plac’d in my character for open honest dealing; that it was also generally believ’d I had still remaining some part of my ancient affection and regard for old England; and it was hoped it might appear on this occasion.

  Mr. Oswald then show’d me an extract from the minutes of council, where “it was propos’d to represent to His Majesty that it would be well for Mr. Oswald to return to Dr. Franklin and acquaint him that it is agreed to treat for a general peace at Paris; and that the principal points in contemplation are, the allowing of American independence on condition that England be put into the same situation that she was left in by the peace of 1763.”

  Mr. Oswald also inform’d me that he had convers’d with Lord Shelburne on the subject of my paper of notes relating to reconciliation. He had shown him the paper, and had been prevail’d on to leave it with him a night, but it was on his Lordship’s solemn promise of returning it, which had been comply’d with, and he then return’d it to me. It seem’d to have made an impression, and he had reason to believe the matter might be settled to our satisfaction toward the end of the treaty; but in his own mind he wish’d it might not have been mention’d at the beginning, that his Lordship indeed said, he had not imagin’d reparation would be expected; and he wonder’d I should not know whether it was intended to demand it.

  Finally Mr. Oswald acquainted me that, as the business now likely to be brought forward more particularly appertain’d to the department of the other secretary, Mr. Charles James Fox, he was directed to announce another agent coming from that department who might be expected any day, viz. the honorable Mr. Thomas Grenville, brother of Lord Temple, and son of the famous Mr. George Grenville, formerly Chancellor of the Exchequer, and author of the Stamp Act.

  Mr. Oswald repeated to me his opinion that the affair of Canada would be settled to our satisfaction, and his wish that it might not be mention’d till toward the end of the treaty. He intimated too that the greatest obstructions in the treaty might come from Spain; but said, if she was unreasonable, there were means of bringing her to reason; that Russia, a friend to England, had lately made great discoveries on the back of North America, had made establishments there, and might easily transport an army from Kamchatka to the coast of Mexico and conquer all those countries. This appear’d to me a little visionary, but I did not dispute it.

  Several days later, I had but just sent away a letter to Mr. Adams, when Mr. Oswald came in bringing with him Mr. Grenville, who had just arrived. I then entered into conversation with him on the subject of his mission, Mr. Fox having refer’d me to him as being fully acquainted with his sentiments. The gentlemen did me the honour of staying dinner with me, and this gave me an opportunity of a good deal of general conversation with Mr. Grenville, who appear’d to me a sensible, judicious, intelligent, good temper’d and well instructed young man, answering well the character Mr. Fox had given me of him.

  Vergennes was glad to hear of Mr. Grenville’s arrival, and said he would receive us the next day at half past 10 or 11 o’clock. We set out accordingly the next morning in my coach from Passy and arriv’d punctually at M. de Vergennes’s, who receiv’d Mr. Grenville in the most cordial and friendly manner, on account of the acquaintance and friendship that had formerly subsisted between his uncle and M. de Vergennes, when they were ambassadors together at Constantinople. After some little agreeable conversation, Mr. Grenville presented his letter from Mr. Secretary Fox and another I think from the Duke of Richmond. When these had been read, the subject of peace was entered on. What my memory retains of the discourse amounts to little more than this: that after mutual declarations of the good dispositions of the two courts, Mr. Grenville intimated that in case England gave America independence, it was expected that France would return the conquests she had made of British islands, and in return would receive back the islands of Miquelon and St. Pierre; and that the original object of the war being obtained, it was supposed that France would be contented with that.

  “MR. FRANKLIN KNOWS THE TRUTH”

  The French minister seem’d to smile at the propos’d exchange and remark’d that the offer of giving independence to America amounted to little: “America,” said he, “does not ask it of you: There is Mr. Franklin, he will answer you as to that point.”

  “To be sure,” I said, “we do not consider ourselves as under any necessity of bargaining for a thing that is our own, and which we have bought at the expense of so much blood and treasure, and which we are in full possession of.”

  “As to our being satisfied with the original object of the war,” continued Vergennes, “look back to the conduct of your nation in former wars. In the last war* [Seven Years War], for example, what was the object? It was the disputed right to some waste lands on the Ohio and the frontiers of Nova Scotia. Did you content yourselves with the recovery of those lands? No, you retain’d at the peace all Canada, all Louisiana, all Florida, Grenada and other West-India islands, the greatest part of the northern fisheries, with all your conquests in Africa, and the East Indies.” Something being mention’d of its not being reasonable that a nation, after making an unprovoked, unsuccessful war upon its neighbours, should expect to sit down whole and have everything restor’d which she had lost in such a war, I think Mr. Grenville remark’d that the war had been provok’d by the encouragement given by France to the Americans to revolt. On this M. de Vergennes grew a little warm and declar’d firmly that the breach had been made and our independence declar’d long before we receiv’d the least encouragement from France; and he defy’d the world to give the smallest proof of the contrary. “There sits,” said he, “Mr. Franklin, who knows the facts and will contradict me if I do not speak the truth.” He repeated to Mr. Grenville what he had said before to Mr. Oswald respecting the King’s intention of treating fairly, and keeping faithfully the convention he should enter into; and added that the points which the King had chiefly in view were justice and dignity, and these he could not depart from. He acquainted Mr. Grenville that he should immediately write Spain and Holland, communicate to those courts what had passed, and request their answers.

  The coming and going of these gentlemen was observ’d, and made much talk at Paris. The Marquis de Lafayette, having learned something of their business from the ministers, discoursed with me about it. He said that this Court might, thro’ him, state what was from time to time transacted, to prevent misrepresentations and misunders
tandings. Such an employ would be extremely agreeable to him on many accounts; that as he was now an American citizen, spoke both languages and was well acquainted with our interests, he believ’d he might be useful in it; and that as peace was likely from appearances to take place, his return to America was perhaps not so immediately necessary. I lik’d the idea and encourag’d his proposing it to the ministry. He then wish’d I would make him acquainted with Messrs. Oswald and Grenville, and for that end propos’d meeting them at breakfast with me if I could, and endeavoured to engage them for Saturday. Accordingly, I told Mr. Oswald that the Marquis de Lafayette would breakfast with me tomorrow, and as he (Mr. Oswald) might have some curiosity to see a person who had in this war render’d himself so remarkable, I propos’d his doing me the same honour. The gentlemen all met, had a good deal of conversation at and after breakfast, stayed till after one o’clock, and parted much pleas’d with each other.

  THE RELEASE OF ALL AMERICAN PRISONERS

  On May 13, 1782, I received the good news from David Hartley of London that an order had been issued by his government for the release of all the American prisoners everywhere, an order not partial or conditional, but general and absolute. I rejoiced with him in this step, not only on account of the unhappy captives who by it were set at liberty and restor’d to their friends and families, but as it tended greater towards a reconciliation and a durable peace.

  On May 26, Mr. Grenville visited me again. He acquainted me that his courier had return’d, and had brought him full powers to form a treaty for a peace with France and her allies; that he had been to Versailles and had shown his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a copy with him; that he had also a letter of credence, which he was not to deliver till France should think fit to send a minister of the same kind to London; that M. de Vergennes had told him he would lay it before the King; that Mr. Oswald had arrived in London about an hour before the courier came away; that Mr. Fox in his letter had charg’d him to thank me for that which I had written, and to tell me he hop’d I would never forget that he and I were of the same country. I answer’d that I should always esteem it an honour to be owned as a countryman by Mr. Fox. Mr. Grenville lent me a London Gazette, containing Admiral Rodney’s account of his victory over M. de Grasse, and the accounts of other successes in the East Indies, assuring me, however, that these events made not the least change in the sincere desires of his court to treat for peace.