The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790)
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WHY FRANKLIN HATED WAR
The rift between father and son is one reason Franklin often said, “There never was a good war or a bad peace.” It destroyed forever a part of his being, his close relationship with his son. Prior to 1776, they had done everything together, and clearly shared a deep affection for each other. The war destroyed this familial bond, as well as his friendships with many other British and American confidants.139
Another reason Franklin detested war—all wars—is that it kept him from his first love: scientific pursuits. He constantly complained in England and France of how little time he had to correspond with fellow scientists and to pursue his own creations. When the war ended, he immediately tried to resume his scientific pursuits, working on several inventions, such as the “long arm” to withdraw books from high up on a shelf. But he felt the war cut short his dreams of technological revolution, and his ability to discover and create new practical innovations. He spoke often of his wish to have been born in the next century or two.
LIBERTARIAN, CONSERVATIVE, OR RADICAL DEMOCRAT?
What were Franklin’s politics? In many ways, he was a progressive among the Founding Fathers. That he was a radical democrat is clear from his support of a unicameral legislature; that he was a disciple of Adam Smith is evident from his defense of free trade; that he was enamored of the French physiocrats (Turgot, Condorcet, et al.) can be seen by his favorable comments about laissez faire and agriculture. He defended the rich, and worried about how incentives for the poor would be affected if the state adopted a welfare system. He opposed a minimum wage law, and wrote in favor of free immigration and fast population growth (he was no Malthusian). He opposed any form of state religion or mandatory religious oaths of office, and demanded that slavery be abolished in the new nation—in 1789. He learned by sad experience (through his son and grandson) that private business would have been more rewarding than public service. His political views can be summed up in a sentence reminiscent of George Washington’s farewell address, who in 1796 warned citizens, “The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible.” Franklin had said it more succinctly in 1778, nearly two decades earlier: “The system of America is to have commerce with all, and war with none.”140
Yet Franklin was no free-thinking anarchist. In economics, he favored paper money and an inflationary monetary policy beyond specie, though “no more than commerce requires”;141 easy money would stimulate trade, he wrote, and even rapid inflation during the war paid for itself through its indirect taxation. (His likeness on the $100 bill—the highest current denomination—of an irredeemable American paper currency would greatly please his vanity.) He argued that the state should be actively engaged in the free education of youth and other public services, and in dispelling ignorance of public fads and superstitions. From several sources, it appears that Franklin was in league with Jefferson in emphasizing the defense of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” as the goal of government, and downplaying the right to “property.” Property, he wrote, is purely a “creature of society” and can be legitimately taxed to pay for civil society. This opinion may have been influenced by the fact that large tracts of land in the colonies had been granted by the king to the Penns as proprietaries, not earned through labor or purchase, and thus in Franklin’s eyes the government continued to have a claim upon the property. He was quite critical of Americans who were unwilling to pay their fair share of society’s “dues.”142
Franklin was no social libertarian, despite his image as a libertine and religious free thinker. While he is famous for reading books in the nude and playing chess until the late hours while Madame Brillon was taking a bath, he wrote stern letters to his daughter Sally chastising her for wanting to wear the latest fashions, and refused to buy his grandson Benny a gold watch during the war. He dressed plainly and constantly preached economy. Readers might be surprised by Franklin’s attack on the growth of taverns in Philadelphia upon his return from England in 1762 (see the beginning of chapter 2, “Return to Philadelphia, 1762-64”). He hated mobs of any kind, and railed against scurrilous newspaper reports. He promoted at all times frugality and industry in both public and private life. In sum, Benjamin Franklin could be best characterized as a social conservative.
FRANKLIN AS A RELIGIOUS HERETIC
When it came to religion, Franklin was more radical. True enough, his letters, essays, and speeches reveal a deep-seated belief in God. “I never doubted . . . the existence of the Deity, that he made the World, and govern’d it by his Providence,” he wrote in his Autobiography. 143 But most of his Christian contemporaries didn’t see it that way. They expressed regret that he was an unbeliever and a heretic, or worse, that he doubted the validity of the Bible and the divinity of Jesus. He was not a church-goer, and was a “friend to unlimited toleration,” as John Adams put it. That he was a skeptic is not in dispute. He admitted in print that he rejected the principal tenets of Presbyterianism. Yet there is strong evidence in his private writings that he gradually became more convinced of God’s active participation in the affairs of men. He was more than just a deist. According to deist philosophy, God made the earth and then let it run its course without any further interference, like a watch that is wound up and left to run itself. According to Franklin, however, the evidence mounted every year that God time and time again intervened in favor of Americans, who were destined by divine decree to win the war and establish a blessed new land of liberty that would prosper like no other. In compiling the Compleated Autobiography, I was amazed at how often Franklin spoke of the blessings from Heaven, Providence’s interceding in the American Revolution, and the existence of an afterlife where justice and happiness would prevail. He did not fear death; in fact, he was curious about the next life, which he called a new birth.144
FRANKLIN’S RANKING AS A FOUNDING FATHER
As a Founding Father, how significant was Franklin in the creation of the United States? Over time, his stature has risen. Soon after his death in 1790, only Pennsylvania and France honored him; the U.S. Senate, controlled by his enemies (John Adams, as vice president, was also president of the Senate), waited a year before issuing a eulogy. Even then, the tribute was made by critic William Smith.145 Eventually personal antagonisms faded, and with the publication of his Autobiography and his celebrated essay “The Way to Wealth,” admiration for his accomplishments and philosophy grew. Most historians now agree that without Franklin, the hundreds of millions of dollars (or French livres) so vital to the war effort would not have been forthcoming, and without French military and financial assistance, America could not have won the war, at least not by 1781. General Washington desperately needed French forces to defeat the British at Yorktown. The establishment of an American nation would have been postponed for many more years, perhaps beyond the late 18TH century, without French aid. Moreover, to convince a French monarch to support a rebellion against a fellow monarch was incredible. And yet Franklin, with his prestige and social prowess, accomplished this amazing diplomatic feat.
Franklin’s influence may also have a negative side; some have accused him of causing the French Revolution in 1789. The French spent so much money financing the American revolution that the French Court eventually went bankrupt, which in turn caused the financial minister to depreciate their currency and destroy their economy. 146 The unintended result of France’s financial and military support of America was political and economic chaos at home. Yet the King and the French Court did it willingly, thanks to Franklin’s diplomacy.
Thus, it is not surprising that Franklin’s life is increasingly studied and appreciated as we complete the third century since his birth. I am hopeful that this long-awaited completion of Franklin’s memoirs, an intimate look at the multi-talented “first American,” will stimulate a new generation of scholars and admirers.
Sources
Citations to documents
written before August 15, 1782, are to the first 37 volumes of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, published by Yale University Press; all citations after that date are cited by correspondent and date, available in manuscripts and copies in the Yale University Library, and will be included in future volumes and electronic versions of the Franklin Papers. In addition, Ellen Cohn, editor of the Franklin Papers, has provided me with translations from French into English by the staff at Yale University Library, and are denoted with the word “French” after the citation. I wish to thank Ellen Cohn and other members of the staff at the Papers of Benjamin Franklin at Yale University for providing the source of these references, including the translations from French into English.
PREFACE
Having now done with public affairs.... BF to Catharine Ray Greene, Mar. 2, 1789; BF to the Duc de La Rochefoucauld, Oct. 24, 1788.
I have been persuaded by my friends. . . BF to Edward Bancroft, Nov. 26, 1786.
The Memoirs has now been brought down to my fifty first year. . . BF to the Duc de La Rochefoucauld, Oct. 24, 1788; BF to Benjamin Vaughan, Oct. 24, 1788; PR 46:u112, BF to the Duc de La Rochefoucauld, Oct. 24, 1788.
My malady renders my sitting... BF to George Washington, Sept. 15, 1789; BF to Catharine Ray Greene, Mar. 2, 1789.
In writing the memoirs of my life. . . BF to Louis-Guillaume Le Veillard, Sept. 5, 1789; BF to Louis-Guillaume Le Veillard, Nov. 13, 1789.
Here in hand is a full account of my life. . . . Carl Van Doren, ed., Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiographical Writings, p. 673; BF to George Washington, Sept. 15, 1789.
1. FIRST MISSION TO ENGLAND, 1757-62
We safely arriv’d in England. . . Autobiography 258; PBF 7:244, William Franklin to Elizabeth Graeme, July 17, 1757; PBF 7:243, BF to Deborah Franklin, July 17, 1757; Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin, 3rd ed., edited by William Temple Franklin (London, 1818), vol. 1, 258n.
My son and I arrived in London ... Autobiography 259; PBF 7:364, BF to Deborah Franklin, Jan. 21, 1758.
A Craven Street. . . PBF 7:368, BF to Deborah Franklin, Jan. 1758; PBF 7:380-81, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 19, 1758.
I found that every time. . . PBF 7:380, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 19, 1758; PBF 7:272, BF to Deborah Franklin, Nov. 22, 1757; PBF 7:384, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 19, 1758.
My friend Mr. Strahan offered to lay me a considerable wager. . . PBF 7:359, BF to Deborah Franklin, Jan. 14, 1758; PBF 8:32-33, BF to Deborah Franklin, Mar. 5, 1760.
I mentioned to my wife another of my fancying. . . PBF 7:383, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 19, 1758; 37:227, BF to Edmund Clegg, Apr. 26, 1782; PBF 19:139, BF to the managers of the Philadelphia Silk Filature, July 29, 1772; PBF 10:321, BF to Peter Templeman, Aug. 12, 1763.
Once recovered from my long illness . . . And that he said. . . PBF 8:96, BF to Joseph Galloway, June 10, 1758; PBF 8:101, Isaac Norris to BF; PBF 7:360, BF to Isaac Norris, Jan. 14, 1758.
I reported to the Assembly. . . . PBF 8:157, BF to Isaac Norris, Sept. 16, 1758; PBF 8:150, BF to Joseph Galloway, Sept. 16, 1758.
I depend chiefly on. . . PBF 8:133, BF to Deborah Franklin, Sept. 6, 1758.
While at Cambridge . . . It is but... During the hot Sunday. . . PBF 8:108-9, BF to John Lining, June 17, 1758.
Billy and I traveled. . . PBF 8:133-8, BF to Deborah Franklin, Sept. 6, 1758.
While there, I came across. . . PBF 8:153-55, BF to Jane Mecom, Sept. 16, 1758.
No part of our journey. . . PBF 9:5, BF to Sir Alexander Dick, Jan. 3, 1760.
The following February. . . PBF 8:277-80, The University of St. Andrews: Degree of Doctor of Laws, Feb. 12, 1759; PBF 10:311, Ezra Stiles: List of Franklin’s Honors, July 11, 1763; PBF 10:76-78, Oxford University: Record of Degree of Doctor of Civil Law, Apr. 30, 1762; Benjamin Franklin: Notes for Continuation of Autobiography.
Returning to London, I was grieved. . . PBF 7:380, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 19, 1758; PBF 9:159-60, BF to Hugh Roberts, Sept. 16, 1758; PBF 10:202, BF to Caldwallader Colden, Feb. 26, 1763.
In April 1759, it gave me great pleasure. . . PBF 8:396-7, BF to Isaac Norris, June 9, 1759; PBF 9:280, BF to Hugh Roberts, Feb. 26, 1761.
After my chief business was over. . . PBF 10:130, BF to Giambatista Beccaria, July 13, 1762; PBF 10:204, BF to Cadwallader Colden, March 2, 1763.
From the summer of 1761. . . PBF 10:174, BF to Jared Ingersoll, Dec. 11, 1762.
Having seen almost all... PBF 9:356, BF to Deborah Franklin, Sept. 14, 1761; PBF 10:84, BF to David Hume, May 19, 1762.
And thus in the summer of 1762. . . PBF 9:5, BF to Lord Kames, Jan. 3, 1760; PBF 10:102, BF to Mary Stevenson, June 7, 1762; PBF 10:147, BF to Lord Kames, Aug. 17, 1762.
2. RETURN TO PHILADELPHIA, 1762-64
I left England. . . PBF 10:166, 167, BF to William Strahan, Dec. 7, 1762; PBF 12:158, June 2, 1765 BF to Lord Kames.
On the first of November. . . PBF 10:160, 161-62, BF to Richard Jackson and William Strahan, Dec. 2, 1762.
I found the city. . . PBF 10:209, BF to Richard Jackson, March 8, 1763.
I also found notorious. . . PBF 11:139, “Explanatory Remarks on the Assembly’s Resolves,” March 29, 1764.
While I was on the sea. . . PBF 10:161, BF to William Strahan, Dec. 2, 1762, and PBF 10:236, BF to William Strahan, March 28, 1763.
In February following. . . PBF 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765.
In the spring of 1763. . . PBF 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765; PBF 10:276, BF and John Foxcroft to Anthony Todd, June 10, 1763; PBF 11:20, BF to Anthony Todd, Jan. 18, 1764.
Having returned home... PBF 10:385, BF to Sir Alexander Dick, Dec. 11, 1763.
I give it my opinion. . . PBF 12:163, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765.
While home, I also visited the Negro School... PBF 10:395, BF to John Waring, Dec. 17, 1763.
Just before I left London. . . PBF 11:89, BF to Jonathan Williams, Feb. 24, 1764.
The assembly sitting through. . . PBF 11:218, BF to Richard Jackson, June 1, 1764.
Besides my duty as an assemblyman. . . PBF 11:103, BF to Dr. Fothergill, March 14, 1764; 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765.
And then in December 1763. . . PBF 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765; PBF 11:50-52, A Narrative of the Late Massacres . . . (1764).
As the rioters... PBF 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765; PBF 11:103-04, BF to John Fothergill, Mar. 14, 1764.
But the fighting face. . . PBF 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765.
The House however . . . PBF 11:134, “Resolves of the Assembly,” March 29, 1764; PBF 11:199, Petition to the King, May 23, 1764.
For my own part. . . PBF 11:148, BF to Richard Jackson, March 29, 1764; PBF 12:158, BF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765.
When in America. . . PBF 11:97-98, letter to John Canton, March 14, 1764; PBF 10:169, BF to William Strahan, Dec. 7, 1762; PBF 9:33, BF to Deborah Franklin, March 5, 1760.
3. SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND, 1764-75
On sea we had terrible weather.... PBF 12:167, BF to Deborah Franklin, June 4, 1765.
I once more had the pleasure of living at Craven Street. . . . PBF 11:517, BF to Deborah Franklin, Dec. 9, 1764; PBF 11:521, BF to Mary Stevenson, Dec. 12-16, 1764; PBF 11:534, BF to Deborah Franklin, Dec. 27, 1764; PBF 12:19, BF to David Hall, Jan. 12, 1765.
Immediately upon arrival. . . . PBF 12:169, BF to Deborah Franklin, June 4, 1765; PBF 12:172, BF to John Ross, June 8, 1765; PBF 13:176, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 27, 1766.
I wrote, God has been very good to us. ... PBF 169, BF to Deborah Franklin, June 4, 1765.
In my younger days, having once some leisure... But not being satisfied with these.... At Craven Street, in correspondence with friends in Pennsylvania.... PBF 4:396-401, BF to Peter Collinson, 1752; PBF 12:147-48, BF to John Canton, May 29, 1765.
As to business, I was immediately engag’d in public affairs . . . PBF 12:68, BF to John Ross, Feb. 14, 1765; PBF 12:158, PBF to Lord Kames, June 2, 1765; PBF 12:206, BF to Charles Thomson, July 11, 1765.
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At first I was not much alarm’d about Parliament’s schemes . . . PBF 11:19, BF to Richard Jackson, Jan. 16, 1764.
As to the true history of the Stamp Act, the fact was this.... PBF 26:95-97, BF to William Alexander, Mar. 12, 1778.
I was a member of the Assembly of Pennsylvania . . . . PBF 26:95-97, BF to William Alexander, Mar. 12, 1778.
I took every step in my power to prevent the passing of the Stamp Act.... PBF 12:256-58, David Hall to BF, Sept. 6, 1765; PBF 12:268, BF to David Hall, Sept. 14, 1765; PBF 7:341, “Father Abraham’s Speech,” Poor Richard’s Almanac, 1758.
Mr. Thomson tender’d me a response,.... PBF 12:279, Charles Thomson to BF, Sept. 24, 1765; PBF 13:178, BF to Charles Thomson, Feb. 27, 1766.
In November 1765, I received letters from my wife.... PBF 12:234, BF to John Hughes, Aug. 9, 1765; PBF 12:365-66, BF to David Hall, Nov. 9, 1765; 12:271; Deborah Franklin to BF, Sept. 22, 1765; PBF 12:360, BF to Deborah Franklin, Nov. 9, 1765; PBF 13:429, BF to Daniel Wister, Sept. 27, 1766.
I had a long audience at this time with Lord Dartmouth. . . . PBF 12:362-64, BF to William Franklin, Nov. 9, 1765.
During the course of the debate, . . . PBF 14:62, BF to Lord Kames, Feb. 25, 1767.
What is your name.... till they can make new ones. PBF 13:129-59, the Examination of Doctor Benjamin Franklin before the Committee of the Whole of the House of Commons, 1766.
Two weeks after my examination before the government, . . . PBF 13:165, BF to Deborah Franklin, Feb. 22, 1766; PBF 13:233, BF to Deborah Franklin, April 6, 1766; PBF 13:169, BF to David Hall, Feb. 24, 1766; PBF 13:199, Sarah Franklin to BF, March 23, 1766; PBF 13:285, Joseph Galloway to BF, May 23, 1766.
As to the reports that spread to my disadvantage... PBF 13:188, BF to Jane Mecom, March 1, 1766.