by Lisa Jardine
During the same period the civil year in England began on 25 March. In ordinary usage, however, the new year started on 1 January, as now. Thus the English civil date 14 February 1675 is 14 February 1676 according to our modern system of dating (some people in the period wrote such a date as 14 February 1675/6 for clarity). I have given all dates as if the new year began on 1 January.
By the same author
Francis Bacon and the Art of Discourse
From Humanism to the Humanities
(with Anthony Grafton)
Still Harping on Daughters
Erasmus, Man of Letters
Erasmus: The Education of a Christian Prince
Reading Shakespeare Historically
Worldly Goods
Hostage to Fortune
(with Alan Stewart)
Ingenious Pursuits
Global Interests
(with Jerry Brotton)
On a Grander Scale: The Outstanding Career of Sir Christopher Wren
The Curious Life of Robert Hooke: The Man who Measured London
The Awful End of Prince William the Silent:
The First Assassination of a Head of State with a Handgun
Copyright
GOING DUTCH. Copyright © 2008 by Lisa Jardine.
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Notes
1: England Invaded by the Dutch
1 Robert H. Murray (ed.), The journal of John Stevens containing a brief account of the war in Ireland 1689–1691 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1912).
2 E.S. de Beer (ed.), The Diary of John Evelyn, 6 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955; reprinted 2000), 4, p.582. On Evelyn see G. Darley, John Evelyn: Living for Ingenuity (London: Yale University Press, 2006).
3 Hoak, ‘The Anglo–Dutch Revolution of 1688–89’, p.17.
4 Gilbert Burnet, cit. Israel and Parker, ‘Of Providence’, p.351.
5 Israel and Parker, ‘Of Providence’, p.336.
6 J.I. Israel, ‘The Dutch role in the Glorious Revolution’, in J.I. Israel (ed.), The Anglo–Dutch Moment: Essays on the Glorious Revolution and its World Impact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp.105–62; 106.
7 S. Groenveld, ‘“J’equippe une flotte très considerable”: The Dutch side of the Glorious Revolution’, in R. Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp.213–45; 240.
8 Diary of John Evelyn 4, p.597.
9 Groenveld, ‘“J’equippe une flotte”’, p.241.
10 See D.M. Swetschinski and L. Schönduve, De familie Lopes Suasso: Financiers van Willem III (Zwolle: Waanders, 1988).
11 Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, den Zoon, van 21 October 1688 tot 2 Sept. 1696 etc., Historisch genootschap te Utrecht Werken uitgegeven door het historisch genootschap, gevestigd te Utrecht; nieuwe reeks, 23, 25, 46, 32. Derde serie 22, 35 (Utrecht: Kemink & Zoon, 1876–1915), I, p.13.
12 J.I. Israel and G. Parker, ‘Of Providence and Protestant winds’, in J.I. Israel (ed.), The Anglo–Dutch Moment, pp.335–63; 361.
13 For a full discussion of the various computations of troop and ship numbers see Israel and Parker, ‘Of Providence’, pp.337–8.
14 Israel and Parker, ‘Of Providence’, pp.353–4.
15 Saturday, 13 November 1688 (n.s.), Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, den Zoon I, 13.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 D.M.L. Onnekink, The Anglo–Dutch Favourite. The Career of Hans Willem Bentinck, 1st Earl of Portland (1649–1709) (PhD dissertation, University of Utrecht), p.37. M.E. Grew, William Bentinck and William III (Prince of Orange): The Life of Bentinck Earl of Portland from the Welbeck Correspondence (London: John Murray, 1924), p.134.
19 Diary of John Evelyn 4, pp.603–5.
20 ‘A true and exact relation of the prince of Orange his public entrance into Exeter’ (1688), cit. Claydon, William III, p.55.
21 Grew, Bentinck, pp.137–8.
22 Calendar of Treasury Books 8, pp.2126, 2129.
23 R. Beddard, ‘The unexpected Whig revolution of 1688’, in Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp.11–101; 14; see also Beddard, A Kingdom without a King, pp.33–4.
24 Beddard, A Kingdom without a King, p.35.
25 S.B. Baxter, William III (London: Longmans, 1966), p.246. Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, den Zoon I, 50.
26 Beddard, Kingdom without a King, p.180.
27 Roger Morrice, cit. ibid.
28 Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, p.126.
29 Diary of John Evelyn 4, p.612.
30 Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, pp.125–6.
31 Israel, ‘General Introduction’, in Israel (ed.), The Anglo–Dutch Moment, pp.1–43; 2.
32 See Claydon, William III, p.57, for the view that this change of route was a misunderstanding or mistake.
33 See below, Chapter 5.
34 See L. Pattacini, ‘André Mollet, Royal Gardener at St James’s Park, London’, Garden History 26 (1998), 3–18.
35 Cit. ibid., p.10.
36 See below.
37 On Anglo–Dutch gardens see below, Chapter 4.
38 Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, p.128.
39 Diary of John Evelyn 4, p.600.
2: From Invasion to Glorious Revolution
1 Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, p.128.
2 Schwoerer, The Declaration of Rights, p.109.
3 See T. Claydon, William III and the Godly Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp.24–8.
4 Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, pp.121–2.
5 J.I. Israel, ‘Propaganda in the making of the Glorious Revolution’, in S. Roach (ed.), Across the Narrow Seas: Studies in the History and Bibliography of Britain and the Low Countries (London: The British Library, 1991), pp.167–77; 167–9.
6 L.G. Schwoerer, The Declaration of Rights, 1689 (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), pp.115–16.
7 Israel, ‘General Introduction’, pp.15–16.
8 See L. Jardine, The Awful End of Prince William the Silent: The First Assassination of a Head of State with a Handgun (London: HarperCollins, 200
5).
9 Quoted in R. Beddard, A Kingdom Without a King: The Journal of the Provisional Government in the Revolution of 1688 (Oxford: Phaidon, 1988) pp.124–49.
10 P. Laslett (ed.), Locke’s Two Treatises on Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), p.155; B. Rang, ‘An Unidentified Source of John Locke’s Some Thoughts Concerning Education’, Pedagogy, Culture and Society 9 (2001), 249–77.
11 Onnekink, The Anglo–Dutch Favourite, p.32.
12 Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, p.115.
13 Ibid., p.120.
14 Ibid., p.110.
15 Ibid., p.109.
16 Ibid., p.160.
17 Claydon, William III, p.29.
18 Cit. ibid., p.54.
19 R. Strong, The Artist and the Garden (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), pp.183–92. See below, Chapter 6.
20 Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, den Zoon I, p.35.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid.
23 Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, den Zoon I, p.36.
24 De Jong, Nature and Art, p.49.
25 Onnekink, The Anglo–Dutch Favourite, p.26.
26 See e.g. J. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477–1806 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp.648–9.
27 See F. and J. Muller, ‘Completing the picture: The importance of reconstructing early opera’, Early Music 33 (2005), 667–81; 670.
3: Royal and Almost-Royal Families
1 See J.R. Jones, ‘James II’s Revolution: Royal politics, 1686–92’, in J.I. Israel (ed.), The Anglo–Dutch Moment, pp.47–72; 55–6. See also R. Oresko, ‘The Glorious Revolution of 1688–9 and the House of Savoy’, in ibid., pp.365–88.
2 The story of the warming-pan plot here is based on R.J. Weil’s essay, ‘The politics of legitimacy: Women and the warming-pan scandal’, in L.G. Schwoerer (ed.), The Revolution of 1688–9: Changing Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp.65–82. I am grateful to Rachel Weil for introducing me to the warming-pan plot at the Davis Center Seminar at Princeton University, in 1988. See S.B. Baxter, William III (London: Longmans, 1966).
3 See ibid.
4 B.C. Brown (ed.), The Letters and Diplomatic Instructions of Queen Anne (London: Cassell and Company Ltd., 1935), p.34.
5 Ibid., p.35.
6 Weil, ‘Politics of legitimacy’, p.67.
7 For an interesting argument concerning the inevitable impossibility of ‘proving’ the legitimacy of any birth without total confidence in women’s testimony, see ibid.
8 Diary of John Evelyn.
9 Baxter, William III, pp.233, 234.
10 D. Hoak, ‘The Anglo–Dutch Revolution of 1688–89’, in D. Hoak and M. Feingold (eds), The World of William and Mary: Anglo–Dutch Perspectives on the Revolution of 1688–89 (Stanford University Press, 1966), pp.1–26; 23.
11 S. Groenveld, ‘“J’equippe une flotte très considerable”: The Dutch side of the Revolution’, in R. Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp.213–45, at p.234.
12 Weil, ‘Politics of legitimacy’, p.68.
13 On William the Silent see Wedgwood, William the Silent (London: Jonathan Cape, 1967); L. Jardine, The Awful End of Prince William the Silent.
14 Journaal van Constantjn Huygens, den Zoon (1673, 1675, 1677 en 1678), 8. See D. Hoak, ‘The Anglo–Dutch revolution of 1688–89’, in D. Hoak and M. Feingold (eds), The World of William and Mary, pp.1–26; 272, note 92.
15 Ibid., p.272, note 97.
16 Ibid., p.23.
17 S. Groenveld, ‘The house of Orange and the house of Stuart, 1639–1650: a revision’, Historical Journal 34 (1991), 955–72. I have largely accepted Groenveld’s revised view of the relationship between the two houses during this period, correcting that of Geyl.
18 P. Geyl, Orange and Stuart 1641–1672 (London: Phoenix Press, 2001; first English edition 1969), p.7.
19 See Groenveld, ‘The Dutch side of the Revolution’, p.217.
20 Geyl, Orange and Stuart, p.32.
21 Many historical accounts give William’s age as twelve in May 1641, although he was born on 27 May 1626 (n.s.). This is presumably because he was indeed twelve at the beginning of negotiations in 1638–39.
22 On comparative costs of clothes and paintings see J. Brotton, The Sale of the Late King’s Goods (London: Macmillan, 2006). See also R. Malcolm Smuts, Court Culture and the Origins of the Royalist Tradition in Early Stuart England (Philadelphia, 1987), pp.60, 130–1; David Howarth, Images of Rule: Art and Politics in the English Renaissance, 1485–1649 (London, 1997), pp.9–10.
23 Parentalia, p.133.
24 Geyl, Orange and Stuart, pp.32–3.
25 On the conscious strategy of Frederik Hendrik and Amalia van Solms to create a court culture in the Low Countries to give dynastic prominence to the house of Orange see M. Keblusek and J. Zijlmans, Princely Display: The Court of Frederik Hendrik of Orange and Amalia van Solms (Zwolle: Historical Museum, The Hague, 1997).
26 Geyl, Orange and Stuart, p.35.
27 Groenveld, ‘The house of Orange and the house of Stuart’, p.961.
28 Ibid., p.963.
29 Ibid, p.964.
30 W.A. Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries: Englishmen and the Revolution of 1688 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp.102–3.
31 Weil, ‘Politics of legitimacy’, pp.71–2.
32 Hoak, ‘The Anglo–Dutch Revolution of 1688–89’, p.20.
4: Designing Dutch Princely Rule
1 T. Sprat, The history of the Royal-Society of London for the improving of natural knowledge (London, 1667), pp.88–9.
2 On the court of Frederik Hendrik and Amalia van Solms see Keblusek and Zijlmans, Princely Display.
3 ‘An autograph Memorandum from M. le Blon, in the handwriting of Rubens, Concerning a Picture for the Princess of Orange. The Subject The Marriage of Alexander the Great with Roxane’. See J.G. van Gelder, ‘Rubens Marginalia IV’, Burlington Magazine 123 (1981), 542–6.
4 Ibid., p.545.
5 P. van der Ploeg and C. Vermeeren, ‘“From the ‘Sea Prince’s’ Monies”: The Stadholder’s Art Collection’, in P. van der Ploeg and C. Vermeeren (eds), Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia of Solms in The Hague (Zwolle: Waanders Publishers, 1997), pp.34–60; 34.
6 J. Israel, ‘The United Provinces of the Netherlands: The Courts of the House of Orange’, in J. Adamson (ed.), The Princely Courts of Europe: Ritual, Politics and Culture under the Ancien Régime 1500–1700 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999), pp.119–40; 126.
7 See K. Ottenheym, ‘Architectuur’, in J. Huisken, K. Ottenheym and G. Schwartz (eds), Jacob van Campen: Het klassieke ideaal in de Gouden Eeuw (Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Pers, 1995), pp.155–99; 175.
8 Ronald G. Asch, ‘Elizabeth, Princess (1596–1662)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, May 2006 [http://www.oxforddnb.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon.ac.uk:80/view/article/8638, accessed 27 March 2007].
9 For Huygens’s youthful experiences in England see below. For the masques and ballets performed for the courts at The Hague see below, Chapter 7.
10 J. Israel, ‘The United Provinces of the Netherlands’, pp.119–40; 130.
11 16 August 1649, Worp, letter 4969.
12 See below, Chapters 11 and 12.
13 For Sir Constantijn Huygens’s early life see A.G.H. Bachrach, Sir Constantine Huygens and Britain, 1 (Leiden and Oxford: Brill and Oxford University Press, 1962); J.A. Worp (ed.), De briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens (1608–1687), 1 (1608–1634) (’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1911).
14 They had left The Hague on the evening of 7 June: ‘En Angleterre aveq Carleton’, 7 June 1618 (Dagb., p.9).
15 J.A. Worp (ed.), De briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens (1608–1687), 1 (1608–1634) (’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1911), p.21.
16 A.G.H. Bachrach, Sir Constantine Huygens and Britain, 1 (Leiden
and Oxford: Brill and Oxford University Press, 1962), pp.113–17.
17 See H.J. Louw, ‘Anglo-Netherlandish architectural interchange c.1600–c.1660’, Architectural History 24 (1981), 1–22 and 125–144; 4.
18 Bachrach, Sir Constantine Huygens, p.139.
19 Bachrach seems to suggest that this occasion followed immediately after the June encounter with King James, but that is not what is suggested by the documents. See ibid., pp.139–40.
20 Ibid., p.218.
21 See ibid., pp.179–80. Huygens also had a significant encounter with Charles, Prince of Wales (the future Charles I). See Bachrach, Huygens and Britain, p.161.
22 Fifty years later, Huygens expressed admiration for another solo viol-player in the English style, Dietrich Stoeffken. See T. Crawford, ‘“Allemande Mr. Zuilekom”. Constantijn Huygens’s sole surviving instrumental composition’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Neederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 37 (1987), 175–81; 177.
23 See J. Zijlmans, ‘Life at the Hague Court’, in Keblusek and Zijlmans, Princely Display, pp.30–46; 37.
24 On shared and distinctive musical traditions in England and the northern Netherlands in this period see J.A. Westrup, ‘Domestic music under the Stuarts’, Proceedings of the Musical Association (1941–42), 19–53; R.A. Rasch, ‘Seventeenth century Dutch editions of English instrumental music’, Music and Letters 53 (1972), 270–3. On Huygens’s own musical production see T. Crawford, ‘“Allemande Mr. Zuilekom”’, 175.
25 See Brotton, The Sale of the Late King’s Goods.
26 See e.g. Bachrach, Sir Constantine Huygens, p.110 and footnote 1.
27 George Gage, Toby Matthew and Inigo Jones accompanied the Earl of Arundel on his art-collecting travels around Italy, where they acquired their expertise as Continental agents buying and selling art (see also Toby Matthews’s letter to Carleton about acquiring Rubens and van Dyck in 1620).
28 Cit. Muller, ‘Rubens’s museum’, p.571.
29 Ibid., p.575.
30 This account of Rubens’s transaction with Carleton is based on Simon Schama, Rembrandt’s Eyes (Harmondsworth: Allen Lane for Penguin Press, 1999), pp.175–6.