The 900 Days

by Harrison Salisbury

  Konstantinov was about to leave to meet his friend when the telephone rang.

  “Did you hear?” his friend said. “Shall we go to the theater or not? I’m almost out of my mind.”

  “What are you talking about?” Konstantinov asked.

  “What’s the matter with you?” his friend responded. “Haven’t you heard?”

  “No.”

  “Well, it’s like this. . . .”

  The expanse of Palace Square still glistened from its morning washing as the guards and guides of the Hermitage Museum began to arrive at the employees’ entrance, across the square from the General Staff building.

  The barometer beside the door stood at “clear.” The weather bureau predicted a fair, bright day. Already the sun was high over the blue Neva, and the wet paving stones reflected in aquarelle tints both the sun and the sky.

  The museum workers straggled in through the service doors. One set of steps led up to the galleries. Another, small and curving, led to a room below where, once or twice a year, members of the staff assigned to air-raid protection gathered for a Civil Defense drill.

  Today the staff, as it arrived, went down the narrow, curved staircase. A drill had been called. They were issued helmets, gas masks, first-aid kits, and told to wait.

  Time passed slowly. The room was close. It was tiring. No one knew why the drill had been called. Then someone said the radio would announce an important government communiqué. About what? Nothing but music was to be heard on the radio.2

  The museum workers looked at the Sunday issue of Leningradskaya Pravda. Just the same old war news from Europe, Africa and Asia. A new dispatch from Samarkand: “Today work is continuing in the Gur Emir mausoleum.”

  Eleven o’clock struck. The doors of the Hermitage swung open. Within minutes thousands of visitors scattered through the great halls. The guides began to take their groups around. They moved from room to room . . . the ceremonial apartments of the Winter Palace, the military gallery dedicated to the War of 1812, the Renoir collection, the Degas’, the great Rembrandt galleries, the collections of Leonardo da Vinci and Raphael. Finally, one guide, somewhat weary, brought some visitors to the Tamerlane rooms.

  It was past twelve now, and below in the crowded room where museum guards, scientific workers, researchers and museum staff had gathered the radio was bringing the news.

  All the Leningrad railroad stations were crowded that morning, most of all the Finland Station. It was here that Lenin was greeted on his return from Switzerland via Germany in the famous sealed train to Russia on April 16, 1917. Here he spoke from an armored car to the throngs of his revolutionary supporters. On this lovely June morning few of those who streamed to the Finland Station had thoughts of revolution in mind, although there were as always fresh flowers in a vase below the bust of Lenin which marked the historic spot. Crowds were buying tickets and cramming aboard trains for the resorts just north of the city along the Finnish Gulf and in Karelia— Sestroretsk and Terijoki. They bought ice-cream sandwiches from white-aproned morozhenoye girls as they waited for the trains to pull out and dropped twenty-kopek coins into the cap of the blind beggar who slowly made his way through the crowd, mournfully singing to the accompaniment of his accordion. Trains were leaving every half-hour, and there wasn’t a seat to spare. There were families with picnic baskets and young people with guitars and light haversacks over their shoulders.

  Others were coming into Leningrad. The suburban train from Oranien-baum was filled with seamen from the training ships. Among them was Ivan Larin, captain of the thirty-five-ton trawler, KTS-J06, one of a squadron whose command was based on the famous old cruiser Aurora, now tied up at Oranienbaum. The Aurora was the naval hero of the Revolution— the ship whose guns opened fire with blanks on the Winter Palace on the evening of November 7, bringing about the surrender of the Kerensky supporters still holding out within the palace.

  Larin, a veteran of service in the Pacific and the Black Sea, was planning to spend Sunday with his wife and three children in the little house where they lived in Okhta. The suburban train glided to a smooth stop at the Baltic Station. Larin stepped off with a firm quick stride and was nearing the entrance when he saw a crowd gathered around a radio loudspeaker. He made his way in that direction.

  The naval fortress of Kronstadt was a special place, more like a great floating battleship than a city. It had its own life, its own customs, its own traditions. On the morning of Sunday, June 22, it was holding a holiday fete. On the Field of Bulls, an ancient pasture on the western side of Kronstadt, the traditional spring carnival was opening. From early morning buses had plied back and forth between the “city” of the fortress island and the field, bringing the sailors and their families to the gulyaniye.

  There on the open meadows had been set up pavilions, bazaars, sideshows and entertainments. There were orchestras for dancing and buffets well supplied with beer and vodka.

  During the night, of course, most of the garrison at Kronstadt had heard some shooting. There were rumors about. But it was always like that with a garrison: training, exercises, threats and rumors of war.

  The bands were playing, the Field of Bulls was bright with girls in their holiday dresses and sailors in their Sunday whites. Suddenly over the crowd came a hush. A voice on the radio loudspeaker was saying: “Vnimaniye . . . Vnimaniye. . . Attention . . .”

  Mariya Petrova was an actress. She had pondered before giving up the stage for the new and untried field of radio. Now, after ten years in radio, she was happy in her decision. She felt that her audience was far greater than it would have been on the stage. Her specialty was reading aloud fairy tales, verses and stories, both for children and grownups. She had read the stories of the Brothers Grimm, Hans Christian Andersen, Samuil Mar-shak, Kornei Chukovsky, Lev Kvitko and Gaidar. She also read childhood tales by Leo Tolstoy, Anton Chekhov and Gorky.

  She had looked forward to this Sunday. Early in the morning she was to read a chapter from a new story by Lev Kassil called “The Great Adversaries.” Then she and some friends from Radio Leningrad were going to the country. Soon her vacation would start and she would join her little daughter, Larisa, at the dacha in Rozhdestveno.

  She gave her broadcast, met her friends, and they started out to the country. As they drove through the bright June day, they sang and joked about where to spread their picnic lunch in the birch forest.

  They noticed that there seemed to be many more cars than usual on the highway, and all headed back toward Leningrad. There was something alarming, something strange, about it. No other cars were leaving the city. Finally, a truck driver leaned from his cab and shouted: “Haven’t you heard the radio?”

  Vissarion Sayanov answered the doorbell on Sunday morning in time to take his mail from the hands of the red-cheeked postgirl. He was pleased at what he found, the kind of mail an author enjoys—a letter from a man who had been an aviator in the Russian Air Force in World War I.

  The retired aviator lived now in a little town in northern Russia. He enclosed a photograph album of pictures from World War I. One showed a Russian village on which a German plane had dropped four bombs in 1915, one of the earliest air attacks of the war. The writer suggested that Sayanov might use the pictures if he were to republish his novel about the war in the air during 1914–17.

  There was something even more interesting in Sayanov’s mail—proof sheets from the magazine Zvezda of his poem about General Kulnev, who died leading the Russian rear guard against Napoleon.

  Sayanov glanced down the sheets. His eye caught a passage:

  The year 1812 . . . the month June . . . Uneasy

  Were those days . . . a time of change and of alarm. . . .

  And what up to now had been a small

  War now became a great war.

  The enemy attacked Russia. . . .

  Sayanov spread out the sheets and patiently began to read line by line, checking the proof against his manuscript. Engaged in this pleasant work he lost all s
ense of time. The telephone rang and he picked it up, his eyes still on the manuscript.

  “You haven’t heard anything yet?” a friend asked breathlessly.

  “About what?” he said.

  “About the war . . .”

  Sayanov turned on the radio. A military march was playing. He threw open the window. The sky was cloudless. Along the wide Leningrad boulevards strolled men in their pressed Sunday suits, girls in summer dresses, youngsters in blue sport shirts, swinging tennis rackets as they hurried to the courts. On the Neva he could see launches cutting through the water, white sailboats bending to the wind and seagulls swirling around the bridges.

  Sayanov thought of St. Petersburg as it had been in imperial days, of Petrograd as it became during the war against the Kaiser, and of the Leningrad it now was.

  Like all Leningraders, he loved his city. Each time a Leningrader returned from an absence it was with the excitement of a young lover again meeting his love. How difficult to be separated from it for long!

  Generation after generation the city had been celebrated by its poets. Never had they lacked passion. Innokenti Annensky called the city “Peter’s cursed error.” Pushkin wrote in awe and terror of the giant Peter, of his will, of his iron purpose in building the great capital in the marshy wastes of the Neva estuary, heedless of life, heedless of cost, heedless of flood, of storm, of cold, of sickness, of suffering and of death. To Dostoyevsky it was a double-imaged city, a city of fog and of abyss . . . the bronze horseman in the marsh . . . the edge of Russia. It was Russia and it was not Russia. It was the place at which Russia faded into infinity, the boundless sea, the invisible barrier between the end of Russia and the beginning of Europe.

  All this and more passed through Sayanov’s mind as he looked out the window and across the golden spires, the needle point of the Admiralty, the upward-thrusting blade of the Peter and Paul Fortress, the dome of St. Isaac’s, the terrible gold and tatterdemalion enamel of the Church of the Blood, the cathedral erected at the spot along the Catherine Canal where Alexander II lay shattered, his body broken and bleeding from the assassin’s bombs.

  And now, as so often in the past, as in 1919 when workers battalions marched out to stem the German tide, as in earlier times the Russians marched and countermarched in endless military minuet against the Poles, against the Lithuanians, against the Baltic knights, the Swedes and all the rest, the terrible sound of war was clamoring down the broad avenues.

  Sayanov heard a band strike up a military march, and from the distance came the shout of a command and the sound of cheering. Somewhere closer a woman sobbed, low and continuously. Russia was at war.

  There was a warm breeze blowing off the Gulf of Finland when Aleksei Lebedev, a young poet (he was also a junior officer in the navy), and his wife, Vera, finished their late breakfast at a friend’s cottage. The water was cold, but Aleksei went for a dip nonetheless. It was bracing after the drinking, dancing, toasts and laughter of the evening. Aleksei had recited poetry. He was a solidly built young man with a face some found sullen or even gloomy, but he had been gay and relaxed at the party. Later he and Vera had strolled in the luminous Leningrad night. They talked of the future, of their plans, of their love. He read to her some verses:

  In June, in the northern June,

  When no lantern is needed:

  When from the sharp-edged dunes

  The sunset rays never fade:

  And the resin heather bares

  Its lilac colors to the

  Warm closeness of twilight

  And the moon’s brilliance again beckons

  Us to sea aboard a black schooner—

  Then I love you. I love you

  In June. In the northern June.

  As he spoke, the air seemed unearthly still. The birches, their trunks pale and ghostly, their leaves spring-green, did not quiver. A light fog crept over the mirrored waters of the Gulf of Finland.

  Now in the morning sunlight the couple walked into the forest and found a quiet glade. They stretched on the new grass. Aleksei had a volume of Jack London in his pocket. He drew it out and asked Vera to read, resting his head against her knee. Presently, she saw that he had drowsed off. She put down the book and, careful not to disturb him, moved so that she could watch him. She rested there, gazing at the sleeping poet for a long time. She had almost drowsed off herself when a young girl she had never seen before ran into the glade.

  “Haven’t you heard the radio?” the girl asked. “It’s war!”

  War. Vera’s heart trembled. She softly touched Aleksei with her hand and said very quietly, “War, Alex, war.”

  He was wide-awake instantly.

  “Well, it’s begun,” he said, clenching his teeth. “And we’ll fight them.”

  Not far distant—at the resort villa owned by Leningradskaya Pravda at Fox’s Bridge—Vsevolod Kochetov, a brash cub reporter, and some of his seniors were playing volleyball on the court to the rear of the house, surrounded by pines. It was noon—almost time for lunch—when someone brought the word: War!

  These were newspapermen. They didn’t stop to ponder implications or complications. They had only one thought: to get back to Leningrad, to get to the paper as fast as possible, to cover the story.

  Within minutes a dozen or more of them were running toward the highway, the Leningrad-Vyborg road. They halted a passing ton-and-a-half truck and ordered the nonprotesting chauffeur to take them to Leningrad, to No. 57 Fontanka Street.

  The men stood in the back of the truck. There was no conversation. Each was lost in his own thoughts. Near Novaya Derevnya where the road turns off to the Serafimov Cemetery the truck met a funeral procession—a white hearse, a coffin covered with red cotton, white horses with black funeral draperies. Behind the coffin walked the weeping relatives, and behind them a group of fifty friends. A band played Chopin, rather raggedly. The procession brought a somber hush over the newspapermen—except for one cynic who, motioning toward the coffin, said from the side of his mouth, “Reinsurer!”

  It was the kind of a remark which sounded vaguely funny, vaguely gauche in Russia, where the perpetual preoccupation of bureaucrats was to “reinsure” themselves against any possible eventuality.

  The truck rumbled on, and by late afternoon the newsmen were in their office. The editor and his chief assistant were waiting. None of them knew any more than the radio had reported. But all were ready to get to their task—the publication of a special edition of the Leningradskaya Pravda, the first “extra” that had ever been issued.

  * * *

  1 The Germans had sown mines in the Leningrad waters during the night of June 21–22. The Ruhno was one of the first victims. The Merchant Fleet at this hour had still issued no warning to pilots or captains of possible German action.

  2 A “practice” Civil Defense exercise was called by the Leningrad Antiaircraft Defense Command for 10 A.M., Sunday morning. The drill was ordered by Colonel Ye. S. Lagut-kin of the Leningrad Antiaircraft Command because he could get no orders from the Chief Antiaircraft Command in Moscow, a branch of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, one of the police ministries directed by Lavrenti P. Beria. Lagutkin was told to act on his own discretion. In order to get the AA units to their posts in the event of German attack he ordered the “practice” alert. (Na Zashchite Nevskoi Tverdyni, p. 11.)

  9 ♦ A Matter of Detail

  THERE WERE PRACTICALLY NO QUESTIONS LEFT FOR decision when Adolf Hitler summoned his High Command to meet on June 14 in the Reich Chancellery in Berlin for a final preview of Operation Barbarossa. Field Marshal Walther von Brauchitsch had returned the day before from another inspection of the forces in East Prussia, his second within a month. He was accompanied by General Adolf Heusinger. Von Brauchitsch reported that the troops gave a “pleasing impression.” Staff work generally was very good. Chief of Staff Colonel General Franz Haider had also been in the East and found the armies in excellent spirits. Their preparations, he noted, would be completed by June 22.

>   Hitler shared the general optimism. He addressed the commanders for an hour and a half with his customary fervor, dwelling at length on the reasons why it was necessary that Russia be destroyed.

  The text of Hitler’s remarks has not been preserved, but several listeners recorded their impressions. Haider noted in his diary:

  “After luncheon the Führer delivers a lengthy political address in which he explains the reasons for his intention to attack Russia and evolves his calculation that Russia’s collapse would induce England to give in.”

  General Heinz Guderian, the Panzer general and one of the forty-five general officers present, recalling Hitler’s address, said: “He could not defeat England. In order to bring the war to a close he must win complete victory on the continent. Germany’s position on the mainland would be unassailable when Russia had been defeated.

  “The detailed presentation of the reasons that led him to fight a preventive war against the Russians was unconvincing.”

  Field Marshal Erich von Manstein described Hitler’s strategic aims as based primarily on political and economic considerations.

  “These were,” he noted, “(a) the capture of Leningrad (a city he regarded as the cradle of Bolshevism), by which he proposed to join up with the Finns and dominate the Baltic; and (b) the possession of the raw-material regions of the Ukraine, the industrial centers of the Donets and later the Caucasus oil fields.”

  After the meeting General Erich Hoppner, commander of the 4th Panzer Group which was to lead the armored assault on Leningrad, told a friend, “Now I am really convinced that the war against Russia is necessary.”

  No one at the staff conference seems to have found irony in the fact that the final confirmation of plans for the war was given on the precise day that the Soviet (but not the German) press published the Kremlin’s agonizingly detailed Tass denial that there was any basis for rumors of a Soviet-German war.