Altered America

by Ingham, Martin T.

  With popular opinion of the Kennedy Administration suffering, due largely to a series of key strategic military failures and heightened fears of war, the announcement does not come as a shock to many. Rumors of a “personal incident” involving the First Lady were strenuously denied by McNamara and his aides, though rumors of a sex scandal abound.

  White House Press Secretary John Winkler announced that Peter Blanc, Chairman of the US House Committee on Armed Services, would assume the vacated role. The Wisconsin Democrat is considered an unusual choice, some feel selected based on the advice of Mrs. Kennedy, due to Mr. Blanc’s more moderate stance on military issues.

  NEW ZURICH NEWS, SWITZERLAND –September 10, 1963

  In a surprise pronouncement by government officials this morning, it was revealed that New England First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy met last night with Ludwig Von Moos, President of the Swiss Confederation, and Ambassador Arnold Heeney of the French Canadian Union.

  The meeting, held at the Federal Palace in Berne, was apparently requested by Mrs. Kennedy without the sanction of the White House. At the meeting’s conclusion, the Ambassador announced an agreement to release all 140 crew members of the nuclear submarine USS John Marshall as a sign of goodwill toward the people of New England. The submarine would remain in FCU custody, however, since a detailed investigation failed to find any defects in the submarine’s guidance systems, proving the sub was in French-Canadian territorial waters illegally rather than by accident.

  As might be expected, news of the soldiers’ release was met with enthusiasm by New Englanders, who have fretted for so long over their lost comrades. Reaction from the White House was subdued, since the First Lady’s success underscores the Kennedy Administration’s failure, and the submarine remains lost to the FCU along with its valuable secrets.

  BOSTON GLOBE, USNE –October 23, 1963

  Secretary of Defense Peter Blanc announced today sweeping plans for the reorganization of intelligence and logistic functions of the Pentagon into two centralized agencies, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the Defense Logistics Agency. Such changes would consolidate programs with an eye toward improving overall efficiency. Blanc also provided a list of bases and installations under review for closure as unnecessary to national security.

  Lastly, but perhaps most significantly, Blanc announced the withdrawal of US military “advisory forces” from Vietnam, describing the situation as “strategically untenable” and “a quagmire that will only squander US resources and New Englander lives.”

  Despite concerns by the Joint Chiefs of Staff over lines of communication among branches of the military, the New England civilian population appears to have embraced these policies, bringing a welcome reprieve to all the public protesting.

  NEW YORK TIMES, USNE –January 13, 1964

  The United Nations Security Council is scheduled to meet in three days in Paris, France to discuss various matters of international peace, including nuclear proliferation, escalating tensions along ‘Le Mur’ between the US and FCU, the Soviet Union’s amassing of nuclear weapons, and problems of terrorism plaguing the Mississippi Passage.

  President Kennedy has made no secret of his intention to seek sanctions against Louisianne for what he has termed “repetitive casual acts of war” while renewing his demand for the return of the ill-fated New England submarine. Our hopes go with the President.

  LE QUEBEC CHRONICLE, FCU –January 19, 1964

  Victory ! In a bold stroke of military genius orchestrated by the great French general, le maréchal Leclerc, the United States of New England surrendered to French-Canadian and Louisianne forces this morning following a carefully coordinated invasion.

  Takeover of the US airwaves has, with the help of Jacqueline Kennedy-Bouvier, communicated to the New England populace that there was no need for panic, to remain indoors until further notice, and that only the current government would be impacted.

  The largely bloodless coup d'état resulted in the destruction of the Pentagon in Philadelphia, with the presumed deaths of the New England Joint Chiefs of Staff and their staff members, who refused surrender. Local rioting was quickly quelled at the behest of Mme Bouvier and her aides.

  The timing of the coup was crucial. With JFK at the UN summit, Parisian agents were able to prevent contact between the White House and the New England president when the invasion began. Vice President McIntire and Secretary of Defense Blanc, both secret agents of the FCU, ordered the Joint Chiefs to stand down, while the recent reorganization in USNE military communications added to the inability of US forces to react.

  At this time, all New England military installations and personnel have been successfully neutralized by FCU-Louisianne forces, while talks with USNE civilian leaders is underway over the formation of a greater, unified nation: the North American Union. A new age has arisen—one of peace and enlightened cooperation.

  LA COSTA CALIFÓRNIA, NEW SPAIN –May 3, 1964

  For anyone who may have missed it, what follows is a transcript of last night’s radio broadcast—a conversation between Manuel Gomez, lead correspondent of this fine news periodical, and a very special guest.

  Sr Gomez: “I’m honored to have with me at our headquarters in San Francisco, the always elegant and often surprising First Lady of the former United States of New England, recently appointed Prime Minister of the new North American Union. Thank you, Sra Bouvier, for agreeing to speak with me.”

  Sra Bouvier: “I’ve been looking forward to it, Manny.”

  Sr Gomez: “As you can see from the articles tacked to our wall, we’ve been following key events since your late husband was elected president. In retrospect, one can see a definite pattern emerging. Yet the big question is—what prompted your change of heart?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Nashville.”

  Sr Gomez: “Could you please elaborate?”

  Sra Bouvier: “The assassination attempt made clear that political events were spiraling out of control, and that something drastic needed to be done. On a personal level, my marriage with Jack was already quite strained, as your stories have pointed out over the years.”

  Sr Gomez: “You refer, of course, to Miss Monroe.”

  Sra Bouvier: “Yes. It was after the shooting at Nashville that I realized I wasn’t prepared to die for my husband. While recuperating in the Greek Islands, I had decided upon divorce. But before I could file the papers, who should pay a visit but François Gourd of the FCU.”

  Sr Gomez: “The Prime Minister? That old grouch?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Yes. In private, he’s really quite charming.”

  Sr Gomez: “What did he want? Your autograph?”

  Sra Bouvier: “He said he had a great deal of respect for me and the New England people, but cautioned that the political course we were on was destructive—not only to New England but to her neighbors. He felt it was only a matter of time before events led to war across North America... a war that would likely end in our annihilation at the hands of the Soviets.”

  Sr Gomez: “Quite a charming man.”

  Sra Bouvier: “Mssr Gourd asked whether I could talk sense into Jack, to get him and McNamara to behave peaceably. I pointed out that I had tried and failed many times. They simply didn’t trust the FCU or Louisianne, and were convinced we needed an aggressive posture to survive.”

  Sr Gomez: “And yet... you had a plan?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Mssr Gourd mentioned that he had two high-ranking agents already well-placed in the US government, and suggested they might be employed to... facilitate matters.”

  Sr Gomez: “That sly dog.”

  Sra Bouvier: “Indeed. I realized I was in a unique position to help stop the madness, albeit at the expense of the current government. So I returned to the White House and, using guilt as a weapon, helped appoint Vice President McIntire and Secretary of Defense Blanc. The rest, as they say, is history.”

  Sr Gomez: “An amazing story. So, how do you like your new role as Prime Minister?”

&
nbsp; Sra Bouvier: “I’m excited, of course, and overwhelmed by the love and support the people have shown me. Some New Englanders are still struggling with the change, of course, but most accept that it’s for everyone’s long-term protection and mutual benefit.”

  Sr Gomez: “It’s not every day a conqueror has rose petals thrown at her feet.”

  Sra Bouvier: “Please, Manny. I hope people will see me as a liberator and a protector.”

  Sra Gomez: “Of course. I was merely being dramatic.”

  Sra Bouvier. “With the formation of the North American Union, comprised of the former FCU, Republic of Louisianne, and USNE, these ex-adversaries will now be joined in common cause. No more threats of war or nuclear devastation, at least within our own continent. We can now face the Soviet threat as a unified nation, rather than bickering like spoiled children.”

  Sr Gomez: “Makes sense to me. How’s it all being organized?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Our new nation will be much like Great Britain, only larger. Canada, Louisianne and New England are now provinces under a single government, which will be housed in the independent District of Versailles. As a source of unity, children will be required to learn French in school, but otherwise each province will maintain its own local government, cultural language, and national heritage—just as Ireland, Scotland, and Wales operate under the oversight of England. There will be a single military, however, which is now a force to be reckoned with.”

  Sr Gomez: “Very interesting. I must say, it was a stroke of brilliance to appoint you as Prime Minister, since the New Englanders have always admired you. They seem almost... relieved.”

  Sra Bouvier: “The US military wasn’t happy about the changeover, obviously. But once it became clear that New England culture would be preserved and that their livelihoods and freedoms would remain much the same, most people saw the greater benefits of peace and stability. New England has been a troubled nation, and its people can now breathe easier.”

  Sr Gomez: (laughs) “You’re a delightfully dangerous woman, Sra Bouvier. Should the people of New Spain be looking over their collective shoulder?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Califórnians seem more interested in making movies and sangria than waging war, so there’s no reason for alarm, my friend. However, I do have a more important reason for my visit than merely saying hello.” (Hands him a large square of folded material).

  Sr Gomez: “What’s this? For those of you who can’t see me on your radio, Sra Bouvier has just handed me... a flag?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Yes. Why don’t you describe it to your listeners?”

  Sr Gomez: “Four white stars on a blue field, inside an oval of four concentric red lines. I don’t understand the symbolism. Four stars? Why not three?”

  Sra Bouvier: “Canada, Louisianne, and New England are three. New Spain would represent the fourth star, and would complete a true North American Union. If, of course, the people of New Spain will join us.”

  Sr Gomez: “Madame Prime Minister, personally I would be honored, but I don’t have the authority—” (phone rings, red light flashing) “Excuse me one moment.”

  Sra Bouvier: “Who is it, Sr Gomez?”

  Sr Gomez: “Sí, señor.” (hangs up) “Speaking on behalf of Califórnian president, Javier Banderas, the Cabinet of New Spain would be pleased to discuss the details of joining the North American Union. Well played, dear lady. And welcome.”

  The Orthogonian

  by Sam Kepfield

  April 10, 1972

  The unmarked Boeing 707 made its final approach to Chkalovsky Airfield. The lights of Moscow lay thirty kilometers to the east, clustered on the horizon.

  The enormity of it all suddenly hit, and he lay down the black briefing book that had occupied him since the last stopover at Rhein-Main AFB in Germany. I’m here. I’m in the lion’s den, he thought. A quarter century fighting the Reds, and here he was about to land in the heart of their empire in the middle of the night.

  “We’ll be landing shortly, sir,” the Air Force steward told him. “Please fasten your seat belt.”

  “Thank you.” Richard M. Nixon, Assistant Director for Counterintelligence of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, was the sole occupant of the forward passenger compartment. He closed the briefing book, having absorbed its contents and those of the three on the seat beside him during the flight from Washington. He rubbed his eyes, and massaged his temples to relieve the dull ache brought on by digesting massive amounts of information in a short period of time. It was a sensation he was used to.

  Preparation, after all, was why he’d risen to the spot of Assistant Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation by the age of forty-five, and why he’d stayed there for the past fourteen years. At Duke, he’d never been one of those who managed to wing a test with grace after skylarking for a semester. Dick Nixon, though, had one thing they didn’t—an iron butt, which enabled him to grind out the hours in the law library, graduating with decent grades, and having his application as an FBI agent approved by Hoover himself just after graduation. He finished the glass of ginger ale, and put the tray up. No scotch; a clear head was essential.

  There was an almost unnoticeable bump as the landing gear made contact with the runway. The engines reversed, slowing the jet. The pilot taxied to a far corner of the tarmac, and the jet halted. Nixon rose, gathered the briefing books and put them in the large black valise he carried, and walked down the aisle where the steward had the door opened for him. The Russians already had a stairway pushed to the door.

  The four FBI agents who had accompanied him were in the coach area of the plane. Each wore a dark suit, crisp starched white shirt and dark conservative tie, in accordance with the dress code that Hoover had laid down decades ago. Their hair was cut short, no more than an inch in length, sideburns short, and the shoes were shined to a high polish. Under each coat, a slight bulge from the government-issued .38 revolver.

  The four men surrounded the only other passenger, the whole objective of this trip. He was a short man with a pudgy build, thinning hair, wire-rim spectacles, and the sort of face that would never attract a second glance in a crowd. He wore a cheap dark suit and striped tie, and handcuffs. The face was a mask of forced calm covering mortal fear.

  “I hope you can live with this,” Daniel Henderson said.

  “My conscience is perfectly clear,” Nixon said, motioning the agents to take him down the stairs to his fate.

  Until two weeks ago, Daniel Henderson had been the Deputy National Security Adviser to President Nelson A. Rockefeller. Henderson had worked his way up over twenty years through the ranks of the Navy. While serving a tour at the Pentagon in the early ‘60s, he caught the eye of Dr. Henry Kissinger, then a professor at Harvard and a member of the Defense Studies Program. When Rockefeller won the Presidency in 1964, Kissinger went to Washington as National Security Adviser, taking Henderson with him.

  For eight years, Henderson had been privy to every critical decision of the Rockefeller Administration—the escalation and the de-escalations in Vietnam and Cambodia, the ouster of regimes in the Dominican Republic, the Philippines, and Indonesia. He had sat in on meetings regarding arms control negotiations, begun by Kennedy after the Cuban affair but currently languishing in Helsinki.

  Two weeks ago, Henderson had been caught by a team of FBI agents in a dead-drop in a wooded area near Mclean, Virginia. Agents retrieved classified documents detailing shipments of American arms to Israel, particularly anti-aircraft weapons to counter the Soviet-made MiG-23s supplied to Sadat. The NSA and Defense Intelligence Agency warned that the sales were the run-up to a possible military strike by Egypt, either alone or in concert with Syria and Jordan.

  A higher-than-normal series of arrests had taken place in Moscow and Leningrad over the previous year, alerting both the CIA and the FBI that there was a serious leak in the American intelligence apparatus. Polygraphs proved ineffective. Nixon, though, had reasoned that in this day and age, no one sold out to the Communists be
cause of idealism. Money was their goal. The FBI began tracking the spending habits of thirty-six possible candidates, and narrowed it to four. Henderson had been one of the four.

  Henderson was taken into custody immediately. Nixon blocked the CIA from taking over, calling it a bribery investigation. Absolute discretion was required, since the news that a highly-placed intelligence aide to the President would be a bombshell bigger than the defection of Burgess, McLean and Philby from Great Britain to Russia in the ‘50s. Nixon had earned a reputation for being tight-lipped during his tenure, detesting leaks so much that he had his own “plumbers” to fix them.

  During his interrogation, Henderson revealed that he had given away the names of three American spies to the KGB. Two were confirmed shot. The third was still being interrogated. The next day, a message had been hand-delivered by courier, from the Soviet Embassy, with an extraordinary offer and invitation.

  Nixon stood at the top of the gangway as Henderson was led down the metal steps to a waiting black van, which was surrounded by grim-looking KGB men in dark suits. One of them spoke into a field radio before Whitaker was guided inside, and the doors slammed on him.

  With a deep breath of the still-chilly air, Nixon descended to the tarmac, finally setting foot on Soviet soil.

  He was greeted by an older man in a dark trench coat. He extended his hand. “Welcome to Moscow, Gospodin Nixon. I trust your trip was not too strenuous,” the man said in accented English.

  “I had a layover in Germany. Mr. Fedorov, I presume?” Nixon said smoothly. Fedorov’s fluency in English, acquired while on a fellowship at Columbia in the ‘30s was in the briefing books.

  “Da,” the man said. Georgy Maximovich Fedorov was the Deputy Director of the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnostiy, better known by its feared initials—KGB. He had been born a few years before the Revolution, had worked his way up through Party ranks, while climbing the promotion ladder at the KGB, serving with distinction during World War II and afterwards.