Encyclopedia of Russian History

by James Millar

  Raisa Gorbachev became one of the best-known women in the world, partly because her attractive appearance, vivacity, and self-assurance were so much at odds with the image the wives of high-ranking Soviet politicians had projected hitherto. Her partnership with her husband was exceptionally close. It caused a sensation when Gorbachev revealed, in answer to a question from an American television interviewer, that he discussed everyBIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, Archie. (1996). The Gorbachev Factor. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gorbachev, Mikhail. (1996). Memoirs. London: Trans-world. Gorbachev, Raisa. (1991). I Hope: Reminiscences and Reflections. New York: HarperCollins.

  ARCHIE BROWN

  GORCHAKOV, ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH

  (1798-1883), Chancellor and Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire, 1856-1881.

  A descendant of an illustrious Russian aristocratic family, Alexander Gorchakov was educated at the lyceum in Tsarskoye Selo that is best known for his classmate, Alexander Pushkin. He excelled as a classical scholar and gained more than the usual fluency in Latin and French. He chose a

  GORDON, PATRICK LEOPOLD

  diplomatic career, entering the foreign ministry under the tutelage of Count Karl Nesselrode, serving as minister to Stuttgart and W?rttemberg during the 1830s and 1840s and to the German Confederation, where he first met Otto von Bismarck. His promotion to Austrian ambassador during the Crimean War was a more serious test of his diplomatic ability and won his recognition as a worthy successor to Nesselrode. He was, nevertheless, a sharp critic, not only of the blunders that led to the war, but also of the peace terms that resulted. He consistently counseled caution on Russian involvement in the Balkans, a policy unheeded by his predecessors and successors, to Russia’s and the world’s misfortune.

  As a true Russian following a German master, he rose to the occasion of the Russian defeat in the Crimean War to be Foreign Minister and Chancellor under Tsar Alexander II. In a period of vulnerability and weakness during the reforms of the tsar, he maintained a conservative-cautious front in European diplomacy, while gradually managing to nullify most of the ignominious restrictions of the Treaty of Paris (1856), such as the restrictions on warships in the Black Sea. His major subsequent accomplishments were to shield successfully the substantial Russian expansion in Central Asia (Turkistan) and the Far East (the acquisition of the Maritime Provinces) from European interference and to dispose of a costly and vulnerable territory in North America (Alaska) to the United States in 1867. His greatest accomplishment was the achievement of a dominant position for Russia in the Balkans through the treaty negotiations at San Stefano that concluded the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 and at the Congress of Berlin that followed. His over-commitment to pan-Slavic and nationalist Russian goals, however, moved Russia into the center of Great Power rivalries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, sowing the seeds for the debacle of World War I.

  Much of Gorchakov’s success in advancing Russia’s European interests, however, could also be credited to Bismarck, who promoted German-Russian collaboration, supported Gorchakov’s initiatives, and whose paramount role in European diplomacy overshadowed Gorchakov’s. In response, Gorchakov willingly supported German aggression in Holstein and in the Franco-Prussian War, thus promoting Bismarck’s creation of the German Empire. They were partners in both waging limited wars for expansionist gains and in preserving general peace through aggressive diplomacy, but the Russian chancellor clearly resented the appearance of a German domination of Russian policy. While Bismarck suffered dismissal by his own government in 1879, Gorchakov overstayed his tenure, becoming a senile embarrassment by 1881. Unfortunately for both major European powers, none would follow with equal skill, international outlook, prestige, and ability to compromise and maintain peace. It is perhaps no surprise that Vladimir Putin’s “new Russia” recognizes Gorchakov as a statesman who successfully promoted Russian interests in international relations and, in his honor, awarded the annual “Gorchakov peace prize,” in 2002 to United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan. See also: ALEXANDER II; NESSELRODE, KARL ROBERT; PUSHKIN, ALEXANDER SERGEYEVICH

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Jelavich, Barbara.(1964). A Century of Russian Foreign Policy, 1814-1914. Philadelphia: Lippincott. Kennan, George F.(1979). The Decline of Bismarck’s European Order: Franco-Russian Relations, 1875-1890. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

  NORMAN E. SAUL

  GORDON, PATRICK LEOPOLD

  (1635-1699), born in Cronden, Aberdeen, Scotland, died in Moscow.

  Patrick Leopold Gordon, known in Russia as Petr Ivanovich Gordon, was a descendant of a Scottish Catholic aristocratic family and studied at Braunberg College in Danzig (Gdan?sk) where he graduated in 1655. Gordon served in the Swedish and Polish armies, and then entered Russian service in 1661 with the rank of major, given the task of training New Formation regiments. Gordon was dispatched as an unofficial Russian envoy to England in 1666-1667 where he met with James II and played an important role in reviving Anglo-Russian relations, including trade which had been of marginal significance since the expulsion of the English from the Russian interior in 1649. He advised the English government and the Muscovy Company on strategies to adopt for negotiations with Russia. He also was an active participant in the Chyhyryn (Chigirin) campaign in 1677-1678

  GOREMYKIN, IVAN LONGINOVICH

  and the Crimean expeditions of 1687 and 1689. Gordon headed the Butyrskii Regiment, was promoted to general-major in 1678, and general-lieutenant in 1683.

  Having supported the regime of Sof’ia Alek-seevna, in 1689 he switched sides back to Peter I (the Great) who deposed his half-sister. Gordon became one of Peter’s close associates and played a crucial role in the creation of a regular Russian army. He headed the Kozhukhov campaign of 1694 and obtained Peter’s permission for the presence in Russia of a Roman Catholic clergy, and in 1694 founded a Catholic church in Moscow. Gordon was a leader of the Azov campaigns of 1695-1696, and was in charge of the seizure of the fortress in 1696. Gordon subdued the Strel’tsy (Musketeer) Uprising of 1698. He authored an extensive diary describing his experiences in Sweden, Poland, and Russia, 1655-1699, and also produced a large number of surviving letters pertaining to Anglo-Russian political and commercial relations, and late Muscovite political history. See also: PETER I

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Gordon, Patrick.(1859). Passages from the Diary of General Patrick Gordon of Auchleuchries, AD. 1635-AD. 1699. Aberdeen: Printed for the Spalding Club. Konovalov, Sergei. (1963). “England and Russia: Two Missions, 1666-8,” Oxford Slavonic Papers 10:47-58. Konovalov, Sergei. (1964). “Patrick Gordon’s Dispatches from Russia, 1667.” Oxford Slavonic Papers 11:8-16. Konovalov, Sergei. (1967). “Sixteen Further Letters of Patrick Gordon,” Oxford Slavonic Papers 13:72-95. Poe, Marshall T. (2000). “A People Born to Slavery: Russia.” In Early Modern European Ethnography, 1476- 1748. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

  JARMO T. KOTILAINE

  Born of a noble family, Goremykin spent his long life almost entirely in public service. During the 1860s, while an official in Russian Poland, he took a special interest in peasant affairs, and later he was involved in many studies of rural issues. Characteristic of his record, however, he never proposed any solutions. After various posts in the Senate, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of Interior, Goremykin was appointed minister of Interior in October 1895 by the new tsar, Nicholas II, who valued him as a “safe” bureaucrat and a staunch supporter of the autocracy. Goremykin assured Nicholas that Russian society was basically stable and only some “completion and repair” was required to fix minor problems. Goremykin proposed extending the zemstvo system into the empire’s western provinces plus a few borderlands, but Nicholas, fearing the spread of liberal ideas, decided in October 1899 to replace Goremykin.

  After the tsar became disillusioned with Sergei Witte’s reform efforts in 1905 and 1906, he fired Witte as prime minister in April 1906 and brought in Goremykin, then sixty-seven years old. Gore-mykin discarded the program
Witte had intended to submit to the First Duma and stonewalled the Duma’s demands. Having decided to dismiss the Duma and seeking a stronger leader, the tsar sent Goremykin into retirement in July 1906, replacing him with Peter Stolypin.

  But in January 1914 Goremykin, at the age of seventy-four, again became prime minister. Because of his frailty and lack of initiative and because he rebuffed public attempts to improve the government’s war effort, Goremykin came to symbolize the regime’s incompetence and callousness. Despite public pressure, Nicholas II stuck by his decrepit prime minister until January 1916, when Goremykin was finally replaced. See also: NICHOLAS II; STOLYPIN, PETER AKRADIEVICH; WITTE, SERGEI YULIEVICH

  GOREMYKIN, IVAN LONGINOVICH

  (1839-1917), minister of interior and twice prime minister under Nicholas II.

  Ivan Loginovich Goremykin was the prototypical bureaucrat and conservative leader of late tsarist times, and became, especially during World War I, a symbol of the old regime’s outdatedness and resistance to change.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Hosking, Geoffrey. (1973). The Russian Constitutional Experiment: Government and Duma, 1907-1914. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Kokovtsov, V. N. (1935). Out of My Past. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Lincoln, W. Bruce. (1986). Passage through Armageddon: The Russians in War and Revolution, 1914-1918. New York: Simon and Schuster.

  JOHN M. THOMPSON

  GORKY, MAXIM

  GORKY, MAXIM

  (1868-1936), renowned writer and playwright.

  Maxim Gorky (Maxim the Bitter) was born Alexei Maximovich Peshkov in Nizhny Novgorod during the reign of Tsar Alexander II and died in the Stalinist Soviet Union. Gorky was orphaned at an early age, and his formal education ended when he was ten because his impoverished grandparents could not support him. He was self-taught in many areas, including literature, philosophy, and history, both Russian and Western. Writer Maxim Gorky established the Socialist Realism genre.

  ARCHIVE PHOTOS, INC./HERBERT. REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION.

  Gorky rose to prominence early in life and made his mark as a writer, playwright, publicist, and publisher in Russia and abroad. His literary career began in 1892 with the publication of the story “Makar Chudra.” His articles and stories were soon appearing in provincial newspapers and journals. His ideas of the writer’s involvement in the social, political, and economic problems facing Russia were close to those of Leo Tolstoy and Vladimir G. Ko-rolenko, who became his mentor and friend. Some of his literary works had important political sig nificance, such as the poem Burevestnik (The Stormy Petrel), which in 1901 prophesied the oncoming storm of revolution. While visiting the United States in 1906 on a mission to win friends for the revolution and raise funds for the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party (RSDWP), he wrote the novel Mat (Mother). Gorky’s revolutionary ideology lay in his insistence on the inevitability of radical change in Russian society.

  Disillusioned with the passivity and ignorance of the peasant, Gorky gradually abandoned narod-nik (populist) ideology in favor of social democracy. He financed Vladimir Lenin’s Iskra (The Spark). At the same time he supported other parties, such as the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Liberals.

  The events of Bloody Sunday and the Revolution of 1905 induced Gorky to become involved, for the only time in his life, in revolutionary work. He wrote articles for the first legal Bolshevik newspaper, Novaia zhizn (New Life), gave financial assistance, and criticized the tsar’s October Manifesto for its conservatism. Warned of his imminent arrest, Gorky left Russia for the Italian island of Capri and did not return until 1913. Alienated by the Lenin and the RSDWP, Gorky joined a group led by Alexander A. Bogdanov, who shared his belief in mass education. With Bogdanov and Anatoly V. Lunacharsky, he organized a school for underground party workers. This was also the time of the emergence of a new religion called Bogostroitel-stvo (God-building), best defined as a theory of the divinity of the masses. Gorky’s Ispoved (Confession), written in 1908, served as an exposition of this belief and led to a break with Lenin.

  On his return to Russia in 1913, Gorky devoted his time, ability, and resources to advancing Russian education and culture, projects brought to an end by World War I and the revolutions of 1917. Gorky was enthusiastic about the February Revolution, hoping that Russia would become a liberal democratic state. Soon after Lenin’s return to Russia in April 1917, Gorky, writing in Novaia zhizn (New Life), criticized the Bolshevik propaganda for a socialist revolution. These views appeared in articles called Nesvoevremennye mysli (Untimely Thoughts). Russia, wrote Gorky, was not ready for the socialist revolution envisioned by the Bolsheviks.

  Under Lenin and the Bolsheviks, Gorky saw it as his task to save Russia’s cultural treasures and intellectual elite. In 1921, horrified by the cruelty and bloodshed of the civil war, he decided to leave Soviet Russia but not before he succeeded in obGOSBANK taining American aid for the country’s famine victims.

  His second exile was spent mostly in Sorrento, Italy. Among his political writings of this period is the essay O russkom krestianstve (On the Russian Peasantry), which appeared in 1922 in Berlin and during the 1980s in the Soviet Union. A bitter indictment of the Russian peasantry, it was resented by both the Russian ?migr? community and Soviet leaders. In 1928, under pressure from Josef Stalin, Gorky returned to the Soviet Union. The years from 1928 to1936 were trying for him, for he could see but not speak of the realities of Stalinist Russia. He became an icon and cooperated with the regime, apparently believing that socialism would modernize Russia.

  The cause of Gorky’s death in 1936 is still debated, some maintaining that he died of natural causes, others that he was a victim of a Stalinist purge. Similarly, opinion in today’s Russia is divided on the question of Gorky as a political activist. Gorky was a great political activist and writer of short stories, plays, memoirs, and novels such as Foma Gordeev, The Artamonovs, the trilogy My Childhood, In the World, and My Universities, and The Life of Klim Samgin. See also: KOROLENKO, VLADIMIR GALAKTIONOVICH; SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS PARTY; SOCIALIST REALISM; TOLSTOY, LEO NIKOLAYEVICH

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Scherr, Barry P. (1988). Maxim Gorky. Boston: Twayne. Weil, Irwin. (1966). Gorky: His Literary Development and Influence on Soviet Intellectual Life. New York: Random House. Yedlin, Tovah. (1999). Maxim Gorky: A Political Biography. Westport, CT: Praeger.

  TOVAH YEDLIN

  GOSBANK

  Gosbank (the State Bank of the USSR) was the Soviet Union’s monobank. Characteristic of command economies, monobanks combine central and commercial banking functions into a single state-owned institution. Gosbank’s primary tasks were to issue cash and credit according to government directives, and to operate the payments and clearing system. The Soviet government created Gosbank in October 1921 as the State Bank of the Russian Federation and changed its name to the State Bank of the USSR (Gosbank) in July 1923. The Soviet government permitted communal and cooperative banks to exist separately during the New Economic Policy period of the 1920s, but a series of banking reforms from 1930 to 1932 ended these last vestiges of commercial activity.

  Several organizational changes ensued in the following years, and by the mid-1960s Gosbank’s structure had crystallized. The USSR Council of Ministers directly controlled Gosbank. Gosbank’s director sat on the Council of Ministers, and the Council nominated the members of Gosbank’s board. Besides its main branches in each of the fifteen union republics and sub-branches in autonomous republics, territories, and regions, Gosbank controlled three subordinate banks: Stroibank USSR (the All-Union Bank for Investment Financing), Sberbank USSR (the Savings Bank), and Vneshtorgbank (the Foreign Trade Bank). In addition, Gosbank and Vneshtorgbank controlled foreign subsidiary banks in London, Paris, Frankfurt, Luxembourg, and Vienna. The oldest and most prominent were Moscow Narodny Bank, founded in London in 1919, and Eurobank, founded in Paris in 1925.

  As a part of General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika (restructuring) program, the Soviet govern
ment dismantled the monobank in January 1988 and created a two-tiered banking system. Gosbank became a central bank, and retained only its major offices in the republics, large cities, and oblasts. The state foreign trade bank (now renamed Vneshekonombank) and Sberbank remained under Gosbank’s direct control. The rest of Gosbank split off into three specialized banks. Agroprombank (the Agro-Industrial Bank) and Zhilsotsbank (the Housing and Social Development Bank) emerged from Gosbank proper, while Stroibank became Promstroibank (the Industrial-Construction Bank).

  In 1990 the Russian government transformed a Moscow branch of Gosbank into the Central Bank of Russia (CBR) during the battle for sovereignty between the Soviet and Russian governments. The CBR and Gosbank operated in parallel until after the failed coup attempt against Gorbachev in August 1991, when the Soviet governing bodies lost their hold on power. On August 23, Russian president Boris Yeltsin ordered the USSR Council of Ministers to complete the transfer of Union-level organizations on Russian territory to the custody

  GOSIZDAT

  of the Russian state by the end of the year. On November 15, Yeltsin took over, by decree, the USSR Ministry of Finance and the USSR Chief Administration for the Production of State Bank Notes, Coins, and Medals. The Presidium of the Russian Supreme Soviet then unilaterally passed a resolution dissolving Gosbank and transferring its “facilities, documents, and specialists” to the CBR. On January 1, 1992, the CBR officially took over the rest of Gosbank’s resources in Russia, and Gosbank ceased to exist. See also: BANKING SYSTEM, SOVIET; CENTRAL BANK OF RUSSIA; SBERBANK; STROIBANK

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Garvy, George. (1977). Money, Financial Flows, and Credit in the Soviet Union. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research. Hellman, Joel. (1993). Breaking the Bank: The Political Economy of Banking Reform in the Soviet Union. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Columbia University, New York. Kuschp?ta, Olga. (1978). The Banking and Credit System of the USSR. Leiden, Netherlands: Nijhoff Social Sciences Division. Zwass, Adam. (1979). Money, Banking, and Credit in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. White Plains, NY: M. E. Sharpe.