Encyclopedia of Russian History

by James Millar

  The meaning of the term changed after the October Revolution, as the prerevolutionary type of kulak seldom survived in the village. In the 1920s the kulaks were in most instances simply wealthier peasants who, unlike their predecessors, were incontestably devoted to agriculture. They often were only slightly distinguishable from the middle peasants. Thus many Bolshevik leaders denied the existence of kulaks in the Soviet countryside. When in the mid-1920s the question of differentiation of the peasantry became part of the political debate, the statisticians had to provide a picture based on Lenin’s assumption of class division. As social differentiation was still quite weak, it was impossible to define a clear class of capitalist peasants. The use of hired laborers and the leasing of land was under control of the rural soviets. Traditional forms of exploitation in the countryside, such as usury and trading, had lost their significance due to the growing cooperative organization of the peasantry. Since the use of hired laborers-a sign of capitalist exploitation-made it difficult to find a significant number of peasant capitalists for statistical purposes, a mixture of signs of wealth and obscure indicators of exploitation came into use in definition of the kulak: for example, ownership of at least three draught animals, sown area of more than eleven hectares, ownership of a trading establishment even without hired help, ownership of a complex and costly agricultural machine or of a considerable quantity of good quality implements, and hiring out of means of production. In general, the existence of one criterion was enough to define the peasant household as kulak. The statisticians thus determined that 3.9 percent of the peasantry consisted of kulaks.

  It was exactly its indefiniteness that allowed the Bolsheviks to use the term kulak to initiate class war in the Soviet countryside toward the end of the 1920s. In order to force the peasants into the kolkhoz, the Politburo declared the almost nonexistent group of kulaks to be class enemies. Every peasant who was unwilling to join the kolkhoz had to fear being classified as kulak and subjected to expropriation and deportation. The justification lay in the political role the stronger peasants played in the communal assemblies. Together with the bulk of the peasants they were skeptical of any ideas of collective farming. The sheer existence of successful individual peasants ran counter to the Bolshevik aim of collectivization.

  Due to the political pressure of new regulations for disenfranchisement in the 1927 election campaign and expropriation by the introduction of an excessive and prohibitive individual taxation in 1928, the number of kulaks started to decrease. This process was called self-dekulakization, meaning the selling of means of production, reducing the rent of land, and the leasing of implements to poorer farms. It was easy for the kulak to bring himself socially and economically down to the situation of a middle peasant. He only had to sell his agricultural machine, dismiss his batrak (hired laborer), or close his enterprise for there to be nothing left of the kulak as defined by the law. Several kulaks sought to escape the blows by flight to the towns, to other villages, or even into the kolkhozy if they were admitted.

  On December 27, 1929, Stalin announced the liquidation of the kulaks as a class, that is, their expropriation and deportation. For the sake of the general collectivization the kulaks were divided into three different groups. The first category, the so-called “counterrevolutionary kulak-activists, fighting against collectivization” should be either arrested or shot on the spot; their families were to be deported. The second category, “the richest kulaks,” were to be deported together with their families into remote areas. The rest of the kulaks were to be resettled locally. The Politburo not only planned the deportation of kulaks, ordering between 3 to 5 percent of the peasant farms to be liquidated and their means of production to be given to the kolkhoz, but also fixed the exact number of deportees and determined their destinations. The kulaks were clearly needed as class enemies to drive the collectivization process forward: After the liquidation of the kulaks in early 1930, and during the second major wave of collectivization in 1931, the Politburo ordered a certain percentage of the remaining peasant farms to be defined as kulaks and liquidated. Even if a peasant was obviously not wealthy, the term podkulak (walking alongside the

  KULESHOV, LEV VLADIMIROVICH

  kulaks) enabled the worker brigades to expropriate and arrest him.

  Between 1930 and 1933, some 600,000 to 800,000 peasant households consisting of 3.5 to 5 million people, were declared to be kulaks, expropriated, and turned out of their houses. As local resettlement proved difficult, deportation hit more families than originally planned. By the end of 1931, about 380,000 to 390,000 kulak households consisting of about two million people were deported and brought to special settlements in remote areas, mostly in northern Russia or Siberia. Between 1933 and 1939, another 500,000 people reached the special settlements, mostly deportees from the North Caucasus during the famine of 1933. About one-fourth of the deportees did not survive the transport or the first years in the special settlements. After the new constitution of 1936, the term kulak fell out of use. At the beginning of 1941, 930,000 people were still registered in the special settlements. They were finally reinstated with their civilian rights during or shortly after World War II. See also: CLASS SYSTEM; COLLECTIVE FARM; COLLECTIVIZATION OF AGRICULTURE; COOPERATIVE SOCIETIES; EMANCIPATION ACT; PEASANTRY; STALIN, JOSEF VISSARIONOVICH

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Frierson, Cathy Anne. (1992). From Narod to Kulak: Peasant Images in Russia, 1870-1885. Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Lewin, Moshe. (1966/1967). “Who was the Soviet Kulak?” Soviet Studies 18:189-212. Merl, Stephan. (1990). “Socio-economic Differentiation of the Peasantry.” In From Tsarism to the New Economic Policy: Continuity and Change in the Economy of the USSR, ed. Robert W. Davies. London: Macmillan Press. Viola, Lynne. (1996). Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance. New York: Oxford University Press.

  STEPHAN MERL

  tionized the art of filmmaking in the 1920s. One of the few Young Turks to have had significant prerevolutionary experience in cinema, Kuleshov was employed by the Khanzhonkov studio as an art director in 1916 and worked with the great Russian director Yevgeny Bauer until Bauer’s death in 1917. Kuleshov’s first movie as a director was Engineer Prite’s Project (1918). During the Russian Civil War he organized newsreel production at the front.

  In 1919 he founded a filmmaking workshop in Moscow that came to be known as the Kuleshov collective. Because of the shortage of film stock during the civil war, the collective shot “films without film,” which is to say that they staged rehearsals. Several important directors and actors emerged from the collective, including Boris Barnet, Vsevolod Pudovkin, Alexandra Khokhlova, Sergei Komarov, and Vladimir Fogel.

  Kuleshov also became known as the leading experimentalist and theorist among the Soviet Union’s future cinema artists, and published his ideas extensively. His most famous was known as the “Kuleshov effect.” By juxtaposing different images with the same shot of the actor Ivan Moz-zhukhin, Kuleshov demonstrated the relationship between editing and the spectator’s perception. Although there is some debate about the validity of the experiment in the early twenty-first century, at the time it was widely reported that viewers insisted that Mozzhukhin’s expression changed according to the montage. His published his film theories in 1929 as The Art of the Cinema.

  Kuleshov made a series of brilliant but highly criticized movies in the 1920s, most important among them The Extraordinary Adventures of Mr. West in the Land of the Bolsheviks (1924) and By the Law (1926). Even before the Cultural Revolution (1928-1931), Kuleshov had been attacked as a “formalist,” and his career as a director essentially ended in 1933 with The Great Consoler. In 1939 Kuleshov joined the faculty of the All-Union State Institute of Cinematography and taught directing to a new generation of Soviet filmmakers.

  KULESHOV, LEV VLADIMIROVICH

  (1899-1970), film director and theorist.

  Along with Sergei Eisenstein, Vsevolod Pu-dovkin, and Dziga Vertov, Lev Kul
eshov revoluSee also: BAUER, YEVGENY FRANTSEVICH; CULTURAL REVOLUTION; EISENSTEIN, SERGEI MIKHAILOVICH; MOTION PICTURES

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Kuleshov, Lev.(1974). Kuleshov on Film: Writings. Berkeley: University of California Press.

  KULIKOVO FIELD, BATTLE OF

  Youngblood, Denise J. (1991). Soviet Cinema in the Silent Era, 1918-1935. Austin: University of Texas Press.

  DENISE J. YOUNGBLOOD

  bravery of the Rus forces, has created a legendary aura about the battle. See also: DONSKOY, DMITRY IVANOVICH; GOLDEN HORDE; KIEVAN RUS

  KULIKOVO FIELD, BATTLE OF

  On September 8, 1380, Rus forces led by Grand Prince Dmitry Ivanovich fought and defeated a mixed (including Tatar, Alan, Circassian, Genoese, and Rus) army led by the Emir Mamai on Kulikovo Pole (Snipe’s Field) at the Nepryadva River, a tributary of the Don. As a result of the victory, Dmitry received the sobriquet “Donskoy.” Estimates of numbers who fought in the battle vary widely. According to Rus chronicles, between 150,000 and 400,000 fought on Dmitry’s side. One late chronicle places the number fighting on Mamai’s side at 900,030. Historians have tended to downgrade these numbers, with estimates ranging from 30,000 to 240,000 for Dmitry and 200,000 to 300,000 for Mamai.

  The circumstances of the battle involved politics within the Qipchaq Khanate. Mamai attempted to oust Khan Tokhtamish, who had established himself in Sarai in 1378. In order to raise revenue, Mamai intended to require tribute payments from the Rus princes. Dmitry organized the Rus princes to resist Mamai and, in effect, to support Tokhtamish. As part of his strategy, Mamai had attempted to coordinate his forces with those of Jagailo, the grand duke of Lithuania, but the battle occurred before the Lithuanian forces arrived. After fighting most of the day, Mamai’s forces left the field, presumably because he was defeated, although some historians think he intended to conserve his army to confront Tokhtamish. Dmitry’s forces remained at the scene of the battle for several days, and on the way back to Rus were set upon by the Lithuania forces under Jagailo, which, too late to join up with Mamai’s army, nonetheless managed to wreak havoc on the Rus troops.

  Although the numbers involved in the battle were immense, and although the battle led to the weakening of Mamai’s army and its eventual defeat by Tokhtamish, the battle did not change the vassal status of the Rus princes toward the Qipchaq khan. A cycle of literary works, including Zadon-shchinai (Battle beyond the Don) and Skazanie o Ma-maevom poboishche (Tale of the Rout of Mamai), devoted to ever-more elaborate embroidering of the

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Halperin, Charles J. (1986). The Tatar Yoke. Columbus, OH: Slavica Publishers.

  DONALD OSTROWSKI

  KULTURNOST

  The term kulturnost (“culturedness”) originates from the Russian kultura (culture) and can be translated as “cultured behavior,” “educatedness,” or simply “culture.”

  Kulturnost is a concept used to determine the level of a person’s or a group’s education and culture, which can be purposefully transferred and individually adopted. It first appeared in the 1870s when the narodniki (group of liberals and intellectuals) tried to bring education and enlightenment to the working and peasant masses. A “cultured person” (kulturnyi chelovek) was one who mastered culture.

  The meanings of kulturnost can differ with time, place, and context. It became a strategy of the Soviet regime in the 1930s, when millions of peasants poured into the cities and new construction sites, and their nekulturnost (uncultured behavior) seemed to endanger public order. Cultural policy aimed to transform them into disciplined Soviet citizens by propagandizing kulturnost, which in this context demanded good manners, personal hygiene (e.g. cleaning teeth), dressing properly, but also a certain educational background, level of literacy, and basic knowledge of communist ideology.

  Kulturnost was thus part of a broader Soviet civilizing mission addressing the Russian peasants, but also native “backward” peoples. In the creation of a new Soviet middle class, kulturnost centered on individual consumption. Values and practices that were formerly scorned as bourgeois could be reestablished on the basis of kulturnost in the 1930s.

  As an integration strategy used by the regime and as a reference point for various parts of the

  KURBSKY, ANDREI MIKHAILOVICH

  population, kulturnost gained significance in the formation of Russian and Soviet identities. See also: NATIONALITIES POLICY, SOVIET; PEASANTRY

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Fitzpatrick, Sheila. (1992). The Cultural Front. Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Volkov, Vadim. (2000). “The Concept of Kul’turnost’. Notes on the Stalinist Civilizing Process.” In Stalinism. New Directions, ed. Sheila Fitzpatrick. London and New York: Routledge.

  JULIA OBERTREIS

  KUNAYEV, DINMUKHAMMED AKHMEDOVICH

  (1912-1993), second ethnic Kazakh to lead the Kazakh Communist Party, member of the Soviet Politburo.

  Born in Alma-Ata, Dinmukhammed Kunayev became a mining engineer after graduating from Moscow’s Kalinin Metals Institute in 1936. He joined the Communist Party in 1939 and soon became chief engineer, and then director, of the Kounrad Mine of the Balkhash Copper-Smelting Combine. Between 1941 and 1945 he was deputy chief engineer and head of the technical section of the Altaipolimetall Combine, director of the Ridder Mine, and then director of the extensive Lenino-gorsk Mining Administration. From 1942 to 1952 he also was deputy chairman of the Kazakh Council of People’s Commissars. Having obtained a candidate’s degree in technical sciences in 1948, he became a full member of the Kazakh Academy of Sciences in 1952 and served as its president until 1955 and as chairman of the Kazakh SSR’s Council of Ministers from 1955 to 1960.

  By now a regular delegate to both the Kazakh and Soviet Party Congresses and Supreme Soviets, Kunayev progressed within the Communist hierarchy as well. In 1949 he became a candidate, and in 1951 a full member, of the Kazakh Central Committee, and in 1956 a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. A member of the Kazakh Party’s Bureau, he first served as the powerful first secretary from 1960 to 1962 and, after chairing the ministerial council from 1962 to 1964, served again as first secretary from 1964 to 1986. In 1966 he also became a candidate member of the Soviet Central Committee’s Politburo, in 1971 he was promoted to full membership, and he was twice named a Hero of Socialist Labor (1972, 1976). Much of his success was due to the patronage of the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, who himself earlier had been the Kazakh Party’s first secretary. Critics charged that Kunayev showered Brezhnev with gifts and cash, but left politics to Party officials while he focused on the interests of his large and corrupt Kazakh clan. Even so, he did promote the concept of Kaza-khstani citizenship and, in December 1986, his dismissal for corruption and replacement by the Russian Gennady Kolbin sparked the Alma-Ata riots. Despite Kunayev’s ejection from the Politburo in January 1987, in 1989 his supporters secured his election to the Kazakh parliament, and he remained a deputy until he died near Alma-Ata in 1993. In late 1992 his clan and former Kazakh officials honored him by establishing a Kunayev International Fund in Alma-Ata. It had the proclaimed goals of strengthening the Kazakh Republic’s sovereignty, improving its living standards, and reviving the Kazakh cultural heritage. See also: CENTRAL COMMITTEE; COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION; KAZAKHSTAN AND KAZAKHS

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Olcott, Martha Brill. (1995). The Kazakhs, 2nd ed. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution.

  DAVID R. JONES

  KURBSKY, ANDREI MIKHAILOVICH

  (1528-1583), prince, boyar, military commander, emigr?, writer, and translator.

  A scion of Yaroslav’s ruling line, Kurbsky began his career at Ivan IV’s court in 1547. From 1550 on, Kurbsky participated in military campaigns, including the capture of Kazan (1552). In 1550 he was listed among the thousand elite military servitors in Muscovy. In 1556 Kurbsky received the highest court rank, that of boyar. During the Livonian war, Kurbsky became a high-ranking commander (1560). In 1564 Kurbsky f
led to Sigis-mund II Augustus, ruler of Poland and Lithuania, fearing persecution in Muscovy. Kurbsky’s defecKURDS tion resulted in the confiscation of his lands and the repression of his relatives in Muscovy.

  Receiving large estates from Sigismund II, Kurb-sky served his new lord in a military capacity, even taking part in campaigns against Muscovy (1564, 1579, 1581). Kurbsky tried to integrate himself into Lithuanian society through two marriages to local women and participation in the work of local elective bodies. At the same time, he was involved in numerous legal and armed conflicts with his neighbors.

  A number of literary works and translations are credited to Kurbsky. Among them are three letters to Ivan IV, in which Kurbsky justified his flight and accused the tsar of tyranny and moral corruption. His “History of the Grand Prince of Moscow” glorifies Kurbsky’s military activities and condemns the terror of Ivan IV. Kurbsky is sometimes seen as the first Russian dissident, though in fact he never questioned the political foundations of Muscovite autocracy. Continuing study of Kurb-sky’s works has overturned traditional descriptions of him as a conservative representative of the Muscovite aristocracy. Together with his associates, Kurbsky compiled and translated in exile works from various Christian and classical authors. Kurb-sky’s literary activities in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth are a striking example of contacts between Renaissance and Eastern Orthodox cultures in the second half of the sixteenth century. Kurbsky’s interest in theological and classical writings, however, did not make him part of Renaissance culture or alter his Muscovite cultural stance.

  Edward L. Keenan argues that the texts attributed to Kurbsky were in fact produced in the seventeenth century and that Kurbsky was functionally illiterate in Slavonic. Keenan’s hypothesis is based on the dating and distribution of the surviving manuscripts, on textual similarities between works credited to Kurbsky and those by other authors of later origin, and on his idea that members of the sixteenth-century secular elite, including Kurbsky, remained outside the tradition of church Slavonic religious writing. Most experts reject Keenan’s ideas. His opponents offer an alternative textual analysis and detect circumstantial references to Kurbsky’s letters to Ivan IV in sixteenth-century sources. Scholars have discovered an earlier manuscript of Kurbsky’s first letter to Ivan IV and have provided considerable information on Kurbsky’s life in exile, on his political importance as an opponent of Ivan IV, and on the cultural interaction between the church and secular elites in Muscovy. Though Kurbsky claimed he could not write Cyrillic, this statement is open to different interpretations. Other Muscovites, whose ability to write is well documented, also made similar declarations. Kurbsky’s major works were translated into English by J. L. I. Fen-nell: The Correspondence between Prince Kurbsky and Tsar Ivan IV of Russia (1955); Prince A. M. Kurbsky’s History of Ivan IV (1963). See also: IVAN IV; LIVONIAN WAR; YAROSLAV VLADIMIRO-VICH