Glimpses of World History

by Jawaharlal Nehru

  In January 1935 Germany occupied the Saar basin after a plebiscite. In May that year Hitler finally repudiated the disarmament clauses of the Treaty of Versailles and decreed compulsory military service for Germans. This open and one-sided breach of Versailles frightened France. But England tacitly accepted it, and indeed went a long step further a month later by concluding secretly a naval pact with Germany. This pact itself was a breach of Versailles, and thus England herself ignored the Peace Treaty. The amazing part of this was that she did so without reference to her old ally, France, and just when German rearmament on a colossal scale was threatening Europe. France was terrified at what it considered the perfidy of England, and rushed to Mussolini to come to terms with him, so as to minimize the danger on her Italian frontier.

  Abyssinia: This gave Mussolini the chance for which he had long waited. For years past he had planned the invasion of Abyssinia, but he had hesitated because he was not sure of the British and French attitude. There had been great tension between France and Italy, and in October 1934 King Alexander of Yugoslavia and the French Foreign Minister, Louis Barthou, were murdered in Marseilles, apparently by an Italian agent. Now Mussolini felt confident that neither France nor England would offer any effective opposition to his invasion of Abyssinia. In October 1935 this invasion began, when the League of Nations was actually in session. Abyssinia was a member State of the League, and the world was shocked. The League declared Italy to be the aggressor, and after much delay applied some economic sanctions against her—that is member States were forbidden to deal with her in regard to many commodities. But the really important articles, which were essential for the war, such as oil, iron, steel, and coal, were not included in this list. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. worked hard and over-time to supply oil to Italy. Italy was inconvenienced by the sanctions, but no great difficulty was placed in her way. The United States of America suggested an embargo on oil, but Britain would not agree.

  The British Foreign Minister, Sir Samuel Hoare, and Monsieur Laval, the French Minister, came to an agreement to hand over a great part of Abyssinia to Italy, but there was such a public outcry that Sir Samuel Hoare had to resign. Meanwhile the Abyssinians fought bravely, but they were powerless against wholesale bombing from low-flying aeroplanes. Incendiary bombs and gas bombs were used on civilians, women and children, ambulances and hospitals, and the most brutal massacres took place. In May 1936 the Italian Army entered Addis Ababa, the capital, and later occupied large areas of the country. Two and a half years have passed since then, but Abyssinian resistance still continues in outlying areas. Abyssinia is far from conquered yet, although England and France have now recognized the conquest.

  The tragedy and betrayal of Abyssinia by the League Powers showed the world that the League was powerless. Hitler could now defy it without fear, and in March 1936 he marched his troops into the demilitarized zone of the Rhineland. This was another violation of Versailles.

  Spain: The year 1936 witnessed another step in the fascist attempt to dominate Europe, and this was destined to become a vital struggle for democracy and freedom. We have seen how rival forces fought for mastery in Spain, and how the young Republic struggled against clerical and semi-feudal reaction. At last the progressive parties joined together, and in February 1936 formed a Popular Front. Previous to this a Popular Front had been established in France in order to combat the growing forces of fascism which openly threatened the French Republic and even organized an abortive rising. The French Popular Front came on a crest of great popular enthusiasm and, succeeding in the elections, formed a government which passed many laws giving relief to the workers.

  The Spanish Popular Front also succeeded in the elections to the Cortes and formed a government. It was pledged to various reforms, which had been too long delayed, and to curb the power of the Church. Fearing these reforms, the reactionary elements banded together and decided to strike. They sought and obtained aid from Italy and Germany, and on July 18, 1936, General Franco began his revolt with the help of the Spanish Moorish army, to which lavish promises were made. Franco expected to win easily and rapidly. He had the army on his side and help from two powerful countries. The Republic seemed helpless, but in the hour of its peril it called upon the masses of Spain to defend their freedom, and distributed arms to them. The common people answered that call and fought almost barehanded against the guns and aeroplanes of Franco. They checked him. Volunteers from abroad also poured into Spain to fight for democracy, and formed an International Brigade, which rendered invaluable service to the Republic at a time when it most needed it. But while volunteers came to the Republic, the regular Italian Army came in large numbers to help Franco, and aeroplanes and pilots and technicians and arms came from Italy and Germany. Behind Franco were the experienced general staffs of these two great Powers; on the side of the Republic there was enthusiasm and courage and sacrifice. The Rebels advanced till they reached the gates of Madrid in November 1936, but then a supreme effort of the people of the Republic stopped them there. “No Pasaran”—they shall not pass—was the cry of the people, and Madrid, bombarded daily from the air and by heavy artillery, with her fine buildings in ruins, with numerous fires, caused by incendiary bombs, continually breaking out, with the bravest of her children dying in thousands for her sake, Madrid remained unconquered and victorious. Two years have passed since the rebel troups reached the outskirts of Madrid. Still they remain there and hear that cry—No Pasaran—and Madrid, in her sorrow and desolation, holds her head high in freedom, and has become the embodiment of the proud and unconquerable spirit of the Spanish people.

  We must understand this Spanish struggle, for it is infinitely more than a local or national struggle. It began by a revolt against a democratically elected parliament. A cry of communism and religion in danger was raised, but there were very few communists among the Popular Front deputies, and the great majority were socialists and Republicans. As for religion, the bravest fighters for the Republic have been the Catholics of the Basque country. The Republic guarantees the freedom of religion—unlike Hitler in Germany—but the vested interests in land and education of the Church were certainly objected to. The revolt was against democracy as such when it was feared that it would attack and put an end to feudalism in land and large estates. When this happens, as I have said before, then reactionaries do not take the trouble to observe democratic forms or to try to convert the electorate. They take to arms and endeavour to force their will on the mass of the people by violence and terrorism.

  The Spanish military and clerical clique which rebelled found willing allies in the two fascist Powers, Italy and Germany, who wanted to gain supremacy over Spain in order to have control over the Mediterranean and establish naval bases there. The mineral resources of Spain also attracted them. Thus the Spanish War was not a civil war, but was in reality an European War in the game of power politics to disable France and weaken Britain, and thus establish the domination of fascism over Europe. The interests of Germany and Italy conflicted to some extent, but they pulled together for the time being.

  A fascist Spain would be fatal for France, and would threaten both the British Mediterranean route to the East and the Cape route. Gibraltar would then be useless and the Suez Canal of no great value. Thus, even from the point of view of self-interest, if not from love of democracy, one would have expected England and France to give every legitimate aid to the Spanish Government to put down the rebellion. But here again we see how class interests move governments even at the cost of their national interests. The British Government evolved a scheme of non-intervention which has been the supreme farce of our times. Germany and Italy belong to the Non-intervention Committee, and yet openly aid the Rebels and recognize them as the lawful government. Their armies are sent to Franco and their airmen bomb Spanish towns. Non-intervention has thus meant that help should only reach the Rebels. The French Government, at the instigation of the British, has closed the Pyrenees frontier, thus stopping any help from tricklin
g in to the Spanish Republic.

  British ships carrying food to the Republic have been sunk by Franco’s aeroplanes or navy and the British Prime Minister, Mr Chamberlain, has actually defended Franco’s action. To such a pass has the British Government come in its fear of the spread of democracy. A few days ago it concluded an agreement with Italy by which it went a step further in recognizing Franco and in giving a free hand to Italy to intervene in Spain. The Spanish Republic, indeed, would have long been dead if it had relied on England and France or acted on their advice. But in spite of British and French policy, the Spanish people refused to submit to fascism. For them it is a national struggle for independence against the foreign invaders, a struggle which has become epic in character, and which has astonished the world by miracles of courage and endurance. Most horrible of all have been the aerial bombardment by Italian and German aeroplanes on Franco’s side of cities and villages and civilian populations.

  During the past two years the Republic has built up a fine army, and recently they have sent away all their foreign volunteers.

  While Franco occupies nearly three-quarters of Spain, and has cut off Madrid and Valencia from Catalonia, the new Republican Army holds him now in check, and has proved its worth during the great battle of the Ebro, which has lasted almost continuously for several months. It is clear that Franco cannot defeat this army unless he has overwhelming foreign aid.

  The Republic’s greatest ordeal now is lack of food, especially during the winter months. For the Republic has not only to provide food for its army and the normal population in the area under its control, but also for the millions of refugees who have come to it from the areas occupied by Franco’s troops.

  China: From the tragedy of Spain let us now go to the tragedy of China. Japan’s aggression in Manchuria was continuous and, as I have told you, she had the official goodwill of Britain. Britain rejected the offer of American co-operation against Japanese aggression. Why did Britain encourage Japan in this way, and thus strengthen a powerful rival? From the early days of the twentieth century Japan has forged ahead as an imperialist Power almost under British protection. At first this was aimed against Tsarist Russia. After the Great War, England’s two great rivals were the United States of America and the Soviet Union, and so the old policy of supporting Japan was continued, till now, when Japan herself threatens important British interests. One of the reasons for America recognizing the Soviet Union in 1933 was American rivalry to Japan.

  In China from 1933 onwards there were several governments: there was Chiang Kai-Shek’s Nationalist Government, which was recognized by the Powers, and the Canton Government in the south, which also claimed to follow the Kuomintang, and a large Soviet area in the interior, besides a number of semi-independent warlords in the interior. North of Peiping there was Japan continually nibbling away at China. Instead of facing Japanese aggression, Chiang Kai-Shek spent all his energy in sending, year after year, powerful military expeditions to crush the Soviet areas. Most of these expeditions failed, and even when they occupied these regions, the Chinese Soviet armies escaped them and went and established themselves farther inland. The story of the amazing 8000-mile trek of the Eighth Route Army under Chu Teh across China has become a classic in military annals.

  So this conflict continued, year after year, although Soviet China offered to co-operate with Chiang Kai-Shek in resisting Japanese aggression. In 1937 Japan launched a major offensive, and this at last induced the warring factions to unite and present a united front to Japan. China also drew closer to the Soviet Union, and in November 1937 a non-aggression pact was signed by the two countries.

  Japan met with fierce resistance, and tried to break it by vast and horrible massacres from the air and other methods of unbelievable barbarity. But in this fiery ordeal a new nation was forged in China, and the old lethargy of the Chinese people dropped away from them. Great cities were reduced to ashes by Japanese bombers and vast numbers of people slain. The strain on Japan was great, and her financial and economic system showed signs of cracking up. The sympathy of the people of India was naturally with the Chinese people, as it was also with the Spanish Republic, and in India and America and elsewhere great movements for the boycott of Japanese goods grew.

  Still the great military machine of Japan advanced in China, and the Chinese people adopted guerrilla tactics to harass the Japanese armies, with great effect. Japan occupied Shanghai and Nanking, and when she approached Canton and Hankow, the Chinese themselves set fire to and destroyed their great cities. The Japanese army occupied their charred ruins, as Napoleon had occupied Moscow, but they are far from having crushed Chinese resistance, which grows harder with every fresh disaster.

  Austria: Let us now go back to Europe, and follow the story of Austria to its tragic end. This little republic was bankrupt and divided, with Nazi Germany pressing on one side and Fascist Italy on the other. Although Vienna had a progressive socialist municipality, the country was under an internal brand of clerical fascism with Dollfuss as Chancellor, who placed his reliance on Mussolini to protect him against Nazi aggression. Italy sent arms to Dollfuss in contravention of the Treaty of Versailles, and Mussolini advised him to suppress the socialists. Dollfuss decided to disarm these socialist workers of Vienna, and this led to the counter-revolution of February 1934. For four days there was fighting in Vienna, and the famous workers’ houses were shelled and partly destroyed. Dollfuss won, but at the cost of breaking up the only strong group that could have resisted external aggression.

  Meanwhile Nazi intrigues continued, and in June 1934 Dollfuss was assassinated by the Nazis in Vienna. This coup was meant to be followed by a Nazi invasion from Germany. Hitler was on the point of sending his army across the frontier when he was checked by Mussolini’s threat to send his troops to defend Austria against the Germans. Mussolini had no desire to see Austria absorbed by Germany, and the German frontier coming right up to Italy. Hitler formally declared in 1935 that he would not annex Austria or have the anschluss.

  But Italy’s Abyssinian adventure weakened her, and as friction with Great Britain and France increased, Mussolini had to come to terms with Hitler. Hitler now had a free hand in Austria, and Nazi activities grew. Early in 1938 Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister, made it clear that England would not intervene to save Austria. Events moved fast then, and when the Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg decided to have a plebiscite, Hitler objected to this, and invaded Austria in March 1938. There was no resistance, and the anschluss, or union with Germany, was proclaimed. Thus ended this ancient country, which had long been the seat of empire, and Austria disappeared from the map of Europe. Her last Chancellor, Schuschnigg, was made a prisoner by the Germans, and a trial was threatened as he had not completely fallen in with Nazi wishes. He is still a prisoner of the Nazis.

  The coming of the German Nazis to Austria let loose a terror on the people which was worse even than the early days of the Nazi terror in Germany. The Jews suffered, and still suffer terribly, and in the once beautiful and cultured city of Vienna barbarism reigns and horror piles on horror.

  Czechoslovakia: Europe was numbed by the Nazi triumph in Austria, but the effect was greatest in Czechoslovakia, which was now enclosed on three sides by Nazi Germany. Many people thought that an invasion of this country would follow, and the preliminaries to this, Nazi intrigues and attempts to foment trouble in the frontier districts, began in the approved fascist way.

  The Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia, the Bohemia of old, had a German-speaking population, which had been dominant in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. They had not taken kindly to a Czech State, and they had a number of legitimate grievances. They wanted a measure of autonomy; they had no desire to join Germany, and there were many Germans amongst them who were wholly opposed to the Nazi regime. Bohemia had never previously formed part of Germany. After the disappearance of Austria it was expected that Hitler would invade Czechoslovakia, and large numbers of people were frightened at this prospect, and join
ed the local Nazi party in order to put themselves on the safe side.

  Internationally, Czechoslovakia’s position was a strong one. She was an advanced industrial State, highly organized, with a powerful and efficient army. She had alliances with France and the Soviet Union, and England was supposed to be on her side in case of conflict. Being the only democratic State left in Central Europe, she had the sympathy of democrats all over the world, including America. There could be no doubt that, in case of war, the fascist Powers would suffer defeat if the democratic forces pulled together.

  The question of the Sudeten minority had been raised, and it was right that their grievances should be remedied. It was a fact, however, that the minorities in Czechoslovakia were far better treated than any other minority in Central Europe. The real question was not a minority one, but Hitler’s desire to dominate the whole of south-east Europe and to enforce his will by violence and threat of violence.

  The Czech Government tried their hardest to solve the minority question, and agreed to almost all the demands made, but as one demand was accepted, a new and more far-reaching one appeared, till the very existence of the State was threatened. It was obvious that Hitler’s object was to put an end to this democratic State which was a thorn in his side. British policy, under the guise of helping in a peaceful solution of the problem, encouraged Hitler in his aggression. Lord Runciman was sent to Prague by the British Government to act as a “mediator”, but in effect this so-called mediation led to continuous pressure on the Czech Government to give in to the Nazi demands. Ultimately the Czechs accepted Lord Runciman’s own proposals, which were very far-reaching, but the Nazis now wanted more, and in order to enforce their demands, mobilized the German Army. Mr Chamberlain thereupon intervened personally, and paid a visit to Hitler at Berchtesgaden, where he agreed to Hitler’s ultimatum, which demanded a cession of large areas of Czechoslovakia to Germany. England and France then presented their own ultimatum to their friend and ally Czechoslovakia, asking her to agree immediately to Hitler’s terms, and threatening to desert her completely if she refused to do so. The Czech people were amazed and shocked at this betrayal by their friends, but eventually, in sorrow and despair, their Government bowed to this ultimatum. Mr Chamberlain went again to Hitler, this time to Godesberg on the Rhine, and found that he wanted still much more. Even Mr Chamberlain could not agree to this, and in the last week of September 1938, war, world war, threw its heavy shadow all over Europe, and people rushed to get their gas-masks and dug trenches in parks and gardens as a protection against air-raids. Again Mr Chamberlain went to Hitler, this time to Munich, and Monsieur Daladier and Signor Mussolini also went there. Russia, the ally of France and Czechoslovakia, was not invited, and Czechoslovakia, whose fate was to be decided and who was also an ally, was not even consulted. Hitler’s new and far-reaching demands, backed by the threat of immediate war and invasion, were practically accepted in full, and on September 29 the Munich Agreement, embodying these, was signed by the four Powers.