Collapse of Dignity

by Napoleon Gomez

  So, in Calderón we got a man who was just as hostile to the Miners’ Union as Fox, if not more so. Just as bad, Javier Lozano, like his predecessor, Salazar, showed great enmity toward the union. Lozano used a provocative anti-mining stance to stay on good terms with Germán Larrea, Alonso Ancira, and the rest of Mexico’s reactionary business leaders throughout the entire length of his term.

  Both Salazar and Lozano significantly degraded this position of public trust and broke its tradition of respect. Earlier labor secretaries, though at times inclined toward business interests, knew how to reconcile these with the interests of workers. Adolfo Lopez Mateos, secretary of labor under President Adolfo Ruiz Cortines (1952–58), went on to win the presidency himself in 1958 and was one of Mexico’s most important leaders of the twentieth century. Under Lopez’s presidency, Salomón González Blanco served as secretary of labor and did outstanding work. Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, labor secretary in the era of Luis Echeverría (1970–76), was similarly perceptive and fair in the role. Salazar and Lozano shame the legacy of these conciliatory and constructive politicians. From the office of labor secretary, both have persecuted, attacked, insulted, and defamed the miners, metalworkers, and steelworkers of Mexico, and have done so with more barbarity than any other officials in the Calderón and Fox administrations—saturated as they were with individuals who have a true hatred of the working class.

  As a young man, Javier Lozano attended the Escuela Libre de Derecho, where he first met Felipe Calderón. After graduation, he worked at the Bank of Mexico before starting work at Mexico’s Department of the Treasury, where he held various positions, including controller of state-owned petroleum company Pemex. At this point in his career, Lozano was a member of the PRI. In 1998, President Ernesto Zedillo (1994–2000) named him director of COFETEL, Mexico’s telecommunications regulator. (The commission was part of the Department of Communications and Transportation, which was headed by Carlos Ruiz Sacristán. In 2011, Ruiz would join Grupo México’s board of directors.) From COFETEL, Lozano showed clear favoritism toward the Unefon telephone company, giving it two simultaneous extensions, both of them unlawful, by which the company saved hundreds of millions of pesos. In 1999, while a client of Lozano’s consulting firm Javier Lozano & Associates, Ricardo Salinas Pliego—one of Lozano’s cronies and head of TV Azteca—purchased 50 percent of Unefon. Even in the 1990s, Lozano was using his position as a public servant to win the favor of powerful businessmen.

  In 1999, Lozano Alarcón, still a member of the PRI, was appointed Undersecretary for Social Communication for the Department of the Interior. He founded the Telecommunications Law Institute and continued to serve as a private consultant in this field with Javier Lozano & Associates. In March 2003, the PRI governor of Puebla, Melquíades Morales, appointed Lozano as representative of the Puebla government in Mexico City.

  In 2005, Lozano resigned as Puebla representative to join the Felipe Calderón campaign full-time with its fundraising efforts. Lozano had been seeing a lot of Calderón’s brother-in-law, Juan Ignacio Zavala, and it was Ignacio who brought Lozano into the future president’s inner circle, reacquainting the two men who’d known each other in their law school days. On December 1, 2006, Calderón rewarded Lozano for his “efforts” by naming him Secretary of Labor and Social Services. Early in his term, Lozano would make an opportunistic flip, switching on June 30, 2007, from PRI member to PAN member. Dizzy with lust for power, he held out naive hopes of being a PAN candidate for the presidency all throughout Calderón’s term. It would have been the peak of his miserable, unscrupulous life.

  An intelligent journalist named José Sobrevilla has done extensive research on Lozano. After digging into the labor secretary’s life and gaining access to many of Lozano’s personal files, Sobrevilla reveals the following:

  Lozano has been characterized as a quarrelsome bully and many things by groups and organizations in various media; however, in edition 1740 of the magazine Proceso (March 9, 2010), the journalist Jesusa Cervantes stated that President Calderón and his cabinet, including Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex) were informed that Gerardo, the brother of Javier Lozano, through his company Holland & Knight-Gallastegui & Lozano, SC, taking advantage of confidential information provided by his brother Javier, obtained together with the company Intermix, located in the Cayman Islands, the trademark Pemex for Canada and the United States . . .

  Various specialists have stated that this trademark could be revoked by the North American Free Trade Agreement. However, neither Pemex nor the Mexican government has taken any action in this regard. President Calderón and his entire cabinet received letters informing them of this process, the spokesman for Intermix told Proceso.

  As labor secretary, Lozano was consistently incendiary and insensitive to nearly everyone around him. Marcelo Ebrard, elected governor of Mexico City in 2006, has been one of the prime targets of his hatred. Lozano publicly decried Ebrard’s solidarity with protesters marching in the Federal District—to which Ebrard responded by suggesting that Lozano read the city’s laws (La Jornada, June 15, 2007). And Lozano has also attacked the governor for arranging governmental aid to the state of Tabasco during a devastating flood.

  Lozano was also notably aggressive toward magnate Carlos Slim, director and majority shareholder of Telmex, Mexico’s massive, monopolistic telecommunications company. During his time in COFETEL, Lozano tried to open the telecommunications market to his friends at Televisa and TV Azteca—in other words, he wanted to break Telmex’s monopoly by giving power to two companies that hold a monopoly over another sector: the media. Why? Purely because Lozano was friendly with a few businessmen at Televisa and TV Azteca. Later, in the run up to Calderón’s presidency, Lozano expressed interest in serving as head of the Department of Communication and Transportation. But Slim—who was ranked by Forbes as the richest man in the world in 2010, 2011, and 2012—remembered Lozano’s actions at COFETEL and his private interests in Televisa and TV Azteca. Exerting his significant power, Slim pressured Calderón to deny Lozano that position. But Calderón caved, and Lozano was appointed labor secretary instead.

  Lozano would later help engineer the 2009 shutdown of Mexico’s Central Light and Power company, a maneuver that resulted in the loss of 44,000 jobs in one day and was meant to destroy the Mexican Electricians’ Union, one of the few democratic and independent Mexican unions like ours. And he also raised public suspicion due to his public defense of Jorge Mier y de la Barrera—a top official at the Department of Labor and an old colleague of Lozano’s at COFETEL—when Mier was dismissed by the Judiciary Council for fraud and bribery.

  But Lozano’s most prominent scandal would occur in 2007. Zhenli Ye Gon was a Chinese entrepreneur and importer of pseudoephedrine who was accused by the Mexican government of drug dealing. In an interview with the Associated Press, Zhenli said that Lozano had asked him to store $205 million in cash at his home in Mexico—money that Zhenli claimed was to be used for Felipe Calderón’s 2005 presidential campaign. According to Zhenli, Lozano had threatened to kill him if he didn’t hide the money. “Copelas o cuello,” Lozano had warned the Chinese drug dealer—“Cooperate or we cut your neck”—passing his hand over his throat as if his fingers were a knife. Lozano denied the accusations, and no legal action was taken against him. Calderón seemed to very quickly forget the incident ever happened, even though the Mexican people had seen the piles of money from the Zhenli’s home on television news. After a while, the cash disappeared, never to be seen again.

  In the first months of the Calderón administration, we witnessed Javier Lozano pick up the baton from Vicente Fox’s labor department. As Calderón’s labor secretary, he began to take a main role in the zealous defense of the interests of Grupo México. In doing so, he played a public role that in no way relates to his office. Lozano’s undersecretary, Álvaro Castro Estrada, was no better: he seemed to be more of a Grupo México spokesperson than a public servant. Both made offers to stop the criminal charges against me and su
rrender the bank accounts if the miners ended all strikes against Grupo México and allowed the company to set up puppet unions.

  Lozano Alarcón has been a resentful and obsessive persecutor of miners and of every other democratic and independent trade union in Mexico. He has clashed most dramatically with the leadership of Los Mineros, but he has also antagonized the leaders of aviation union representatives, the widows of Pasta de Conchos, the National Workers’ Union (UNT), and the workers of the Mexican Electricians’ Union (SME), as well as prestigious legal defenders of labor, such as Nestor de Buen, Arturo Alcalde Justiniani, and Manuel Fuentes. These attorneys concluded that Lozano’s decisions are clearly made for the benefit of the businessmen with whom he is complicit. Other labor lawyers who prefer anonymity, and some employees of the labor department themselves, have said the same thing.

  As further proof, Germán Larrea frequently referred to Lozano—in front of business associates and to the labor secretary’s face—as his “cat.” Larrea’s insulting nickname for the labor secretary was confirmed to me by several businessmen who made trips to Canada, as well as by a journalist close to Larrea’s defense team. It’s just like Larrea to openly brag in front of everyone that a high-ranking public servant is nothing but his toy. In 2005, Larrea had also told me that Vicente Fox was a pendejo—a fool, an asshole—and that he could easily convince the president to go along with his plans. No doubt he felt the same way about Calderón, as well as his new cat, Lozano. Unbelievably, Lozano was happy to play the role of servant to Larrea. Every day he spent in office, he displayed his loyalty to his new master.

  A scene that took place at a major labor rally in 2007 is representative of his condescending, careless attitude. A group of workers from various unions, including the miners, held a protest outside the offices of the department of labor, demanding to meet with Lozano to discuss his support of the false allegations still being pressed by Elías Morales and Grupo México. The workers wanted to talk with him directly about the issue and force him to explain his support for this unlawful defamation. Yet all Lozano did was order that a large sign be placed on the railing of the building, bearing one provocative sentence: “Criminal cases are not handled in this Department.” His complicit servitude to Germán Feliciano Larrea had been proven again.

  Napoleón Gómez Sada at his first election as General Secretary of the National Union of Mine, Metal, and Steel Workers of the Mexican Republic with Mexican president Adolfo López Mateos during the 1960 National Convention. Napoleón Gómez Urrutia is behind, fourth person from right.

  Oxford University: Napoleón Gómez with classmates at graduation.

  Napoleón Gómez Sada during a mining tour in the north of Mexico.

  Napoleón Gómez was General Director of Compañía Minera Autlán in 1992–1993. Here he speaks with a worker at the smelter facility in the town of Teziutlán, Puebla.

  Napoleoìn Goìmez was elected for the first time in 2001 General Secretary of the National Union of Mine, Metal, and Steel Workers of the Mexican Republic.

  Napoleoìn Gómez with mineworkers in Hércules, an iron ore mine in the state of Coahuila.

  In this image, photographer Peter Langer shows the intensity of the harsh working conditions found inside the mine.

  Napoleoìn Gómez with mineworkers in the Mine of Fresnillo, in the state of Zacatecas—the largest silver mine in the world.

  Napoleón Gómez inspecting safety and working conditions at Las Cuevas Mine in San Luis Potosi operated by Mexichem, one of the biggest fluorite producers in the world.

  Javier Zúñiga, Secretary of Labor; Sergio Beltrán, Secretary of Interior; Napoleón Gómez, President; José Barajas, former Secretary Treasurer; and Juan Linares, Secretary of the The Justice and Surveillance Committee. Members of the National Executive Committee of the National Union of Mine, Metal, and Steel Workers of the Mexican Republic at Highland Valley Copper Mine (Kamloops, British Columbia).

  Miners protesting the government of President Felipe Calderón and the aggressions of Germán Feliciano Larrea Mota-Velasco, CEO and major shareholder of Grupo Mexico.

  Rescuers leaving the mine after the explosion at Pasta de Conchos on February 23, 2006.

  This picture shows the horrible safety conditions in which Grupo Mexico operates in the copper mine of Cananea, Sonora, risking the lives and health of workers and violating human and labor rights.

  At the headquarters of Grupo Mexico, protestors praise Napoleón Gómez and demand the recovery of the sixty-three miners who were abandoned to die in the Pasta de Conchos explosion.

  Los Mineros protesting against Grupo Villacero and Julio Villarreal Guajardo, President of Grupo Villacero, for violating the collective bargaining agreement and basic labor and human rights in Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán.

  Meeting of the Strategic Alliance Trinational Committee between Los Mineros and the United Steelworkers led by Napoleón Gómez and Leo W. Gerard in 2011.

  Rally and meeting in solidarity with the USW during the strike against ALCAN Rio Tinto for injustices and violations committed in Alma, Quebec in March 2012.

  Survivors and leaders of the San José Copiapó mine tragedy in Chile signed a flag in appreciation for the solidarity received by Napoleón Gómez and Los Mineros from Mexico in 2010.

  Napoleón Gómez visiting the monument of his father in Monterrey, Mexico, his home town.

  Napoleón Gómez and his wife, Oralia Casso, at the 2009 National Convention of the NDP in Halifax, Nova Scotia.

  Oralia Casso, on behalf of Napoleón Gómez, accepting the prestigious 2011 Meany-Kirkland Human Rights Award from Richard Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, in Washington DC.

  Napoleón Gómez and Ken Neumann with Jack Layton, former Leader of the New Democratic Party and the Official Opposition in 2011 at his office in Parliament.

  From left to right: Ken Georgetti, President of The Canadian Labour of Congress, CLC; Steve Hunt, Director District 3 United Steelworkers, USW; Ken Neumann, National Director for Canada United Steelwokers, USW; Michel Arsenault, Président of the Fédération des Travailleurs du Québec, FTQ; Jim Sinclair, President of the BC Federation of Labour; and Napoleón Gómez, in Vancouver, BC, during the 2010 Second World Congress of the International Trade Union Confederation, ITUC.

  Jyrki Raina, General Secretary of IndustriALL Global Union, and Napoleón Gómez in Montreal, Quebec, 2011.

  Napoleón Gómez and Jack Layton, leader of the New Democratic Party, NDP.

  Napoleón Gómez addressing over 100,000 workers in El Zócalo, the main square of Mexico City, on Labor Day (May 1, 2003 [top]; 2004 [bottom]).

  Second World Congress of the International Trade Union Confederation, ITUC, Vancouver, BC, 2010.

  Napoleón Gómez during his exile in Canada.

  From left to right: Ken Neumann, National President for Canada of United Steelworkers; Hon. Darrell Dexter, Premier of the Province of Nova Scotia; Jack Layton, Leader of the Opposition; Napoleón Gómez Urrutia; and Gary Doer, Canada’s Ambassador to the United States and Former Premier of the Province of Manitoba. National Convention of the NDP in Halifax, Nova Scotia, 2009.

  Before leaving Mexico, Napoleón Gómez signed this baseball, promising to return.

  Napoleón Gómez writing Collapse of Dignity on Vancouver Island.

  Javier Lozano Alarcón, in addition to acting as a provocateur, did not know the labor laws or respect the rule of law. He was the worst secretary of labor in Mexico’s history. He put his department wholly in the service of the darkest and most reactionary business interests. But worst of all, he tried to sell himself to the Mexican people as a man who respected workers. After Jack Layton, leader of Canada’s New Democratic Party, traveled to Mexico and met with Lozano to demand that he cease the government’s oppression of Los Mineros and the actions against me, Lozano put out a press release with a wildly inaccurate description of the meeting. Layton had harshly criticized the labor secretary and condemned his actions, but Lozano’s press release portrayed Lay
ton and himself as friends, and spun the meeting as a moment of agreement. Lozano cynically claimed he agreed with Layton’s positions and that the labor department had been very respectful of union autonomy and freedom of association. Of course it was all lies, intended to do nothing but confuse the Mexican public. The aggression continued as before; bank accounts remained frozen, and Lozano continued to withhold official recognition of me as head of Los Mineros.

  This man turned out to be no different from his predecessor, as did the new president. Our hope that things would change after Fox, Salazar, and Abascal left office has withered and died. Disappointed but resolute, Los Mineros prepared to soldier on and fight our way through yet another antiunion, pro-business PAN presidency.

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