60C. Beckwith, ‘The Impact of Horse and Silk Trade on the Economics of T’ang China and the Uighur Empire: On the Importance of International Commerce in the Early Middle Ages’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34 (1991), 183–98.
61J. Kolbas, ‘Khukh Ordung: A Uighur Palace Complex of the Seventh Century’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 15.3 (2005), 303–27.
62L. Albaum, Balalyk-Tepe: k istorii material’noĭ kul’tury i iskusstva Tokharistana (Tashkent, 1960); F. Starr, Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab Conquest to Tamerlane (Princeton, 2014), p. 104.
63A. Walmsley and K. Damgaard, ‘The Umayyad Congregational Mosque of Jerash in Jordan and its Relationship to Early Mosques’, Antiquity 79 (2005), 362–78; I. Roll and E. Ayalon, ‘The Market Street at Apollonia – Arsuf’, BASOR 267 (1987), 61–76; K. al-Asad and Stepniowski, ‘The Umayyad suq in Palmyra’, Damazener Mitteilungen 4 (1989), 205–23; R. Hillenbrand, ‘Anjar and Early Islamic Urbanism’, in G.-P. Brogiolo and B. Ward-Perkins (eds), The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Leiden, 1999), pp. 59–98.
64Hilāl al-Ṣābi, Rusūm dār al-khilāfah, in The Rules and Regulations of the Abbasid Court, tr. E. Salem (Beirut, 1977), pp. 21–2.
65Ibn al-Zubayr, Kitāb al-hadāyā wa al-tuaf, in Book of Gifts and Rarities: Selections Compiled in the Fifteenth Century from an Eleventh-Century Manuscript on Gifts and Treasures, tr. G. al-Qaddūmī (Cambridge, MA, 1996), pp. 121–2.
66B. Lewis, Islam: From the Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople (New York, 1987), pp. 140–1.
67Muqaddasī, Best Divisions for Knowledge, p. 60.
68Ibid., pp. 107, 117, 263.
69J. Bloom, Paper before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World (New Haven, 2001).
70Muqaddasī, Best Divisions for Knowledge, pp. 6, 133–4, 141.
71Two Arabic travel books: Accounts of China and India, ed. and trans. T. Mackintosh-Smith and J. Montgomery (New York, 2014), p. 37.
72Ibid., pp. 59, 63.
73J. Stargardt, ‘Indian Ocean Trade in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries: Demand, Distance, and Profit’, South Asian Studies 30.1 (2014), 35–55.
74A. Northedge, ‘Thoughts on the Introduction of Polychrome Glazed Pottery in the Middle East’, in E. Villeneuve and P. Watson (eds), La Céramique byzantine et proto-islamique en Syrie-Jordanie (IVe–VIIIe siècles apr. J.-C.) (Beirut, 2001), pp. 207–14; R. Mason, Shine Like the Sun: Lustre-Painted and Associated Pottery from the Medieval Middle East (Toronto, 2004); M. Milwright, An Introduction to Islamic Archaeology (Edinburgh, 2010), pp. 48–9.
75H. Khalileh, Admiralty and Maritime Laws in the Mediterranean Sea (ca. 800–1050): The Kitāb Akriyat al Sufun vis-à-vis the Nomos Rhodion Nautikos (Leiden, 2006), pp. 212–14.
76Muqaddasī, Best Divisions for Knowledge, p. 347.
77Daryaee, ‘Persian Gulf Trade’, 1–16; Banaji, ‘Islam, the Mediterranean and the Rise of Capitalism’, 61–2.
78E. Grube, Cobalt and Lustre: The First Centuries of Islamic Pottery (London, 1994); O. Watson, Ceramics from Islamic Lands (London, 2004).
79Du Huan, Jinxing Ji, cited by X. Liu, The Silk Road in World History (Oxford, 2010), p. 101.
80Kitāb al-Tāj (fī akhlāq al-mulūk) in Le Livre de la couronne: ouvrage attribute à Ǧahiz, tr. C. Pellat (Paris, 1954), p. 101.
81For borrowing from Sasanian ideals, Walker, Qardagh, p. 139. For hunting scenes from a group of palaces near Teheran, D. Thompson, Stucco from Chal-Tarkhan-Eshqabad near Rayy (Warminster, 1976), pp. 9–24.
82D. Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early Abbasid Society (2nd–4th/8th–10th Centuries (London, 1998); R. Hoyland, ‘Theonmestus of Magnesia, Hunayn ibn Ishaq and the Beginnings of Islamic Veterinary Science’, in R. Hoyland and P. Kennedy (eds), Islamic Reflections, Arabic Musings (Oxford, 2004), pp. 150–69; A. McCabe, A Byzantine Encyclopedia of Horse Medicine (Oxford, 2007), pp. 182–4.
83V. van Bladel, ‘The Bactrian Background of the Barmakids’, in A. Akasoy, C. Burnett and R. Yoeli-Tialim, Islam and Tibet: Interactions along the Musk Route (Farnham, 2011), pp. 82–3; Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, p. 13.
84See P. Pormann and E. Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine (Edinburgh, 2007); Y. Tabbaa, ‘The Functional Aspects of Medieval Islamic Hospitals’, in M. Boner, M. Ener and A. Singer (eds), Poverty and Charity in Middle Eastern Contexts (Albany, NY, 2003), pp. 97–8.
85Pormann and Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine, p. 55.
86E. Lev and L. Chipman, ‘A Fragment of a Judaeo-Arabic Manuscript of Sābūr b. Sahl’s Al-Aqrābādhīn al-Ṣaghīr Found in the Taylor-Schechter Cairo Genizah Collection’, Medieval Encounters 13 (2007), 347–62.
87Ibn al-Haytham, The Optics of Ibn al-Haytham, Books I–III: On Direct Vision, tr. A. Sabra, 2 vols (London, 1989).
88W. Gohlman, The Life of Ibn Sina: A Critical Edition and Annotated Translation (New York, 1974), p. 35.
89al-Jāiẓ, Kitāb al-ayawān, cited by Pormann and Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine, p. 23.
90Mahsatī, Mahsati Ganjavi: la luna e le perle, tr. R. Bargigli (Milan, 1999); also F. Bagherzadeh, ‘Mahsati Ganjavi et les potiers de Rey’, in Varia Turcica 19 (1992), 161–76.
91Augustine, The Confessions of St Augustine, tr. F. Sheed (New York, 1942), p. 247.
92al-Masūdī, cited by Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, p. 89.
93Muqaddasī, Best Divisions for Knowledge, p. 8.
94M. Barrucand and A. Bednorz, Moorish Architecture in Andalusia (Cologne, 1999), p. 40.
95See for example M. Dickens, ‘Patriarch Timothy II and the Metropolitan of the Turks’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 20.2 (2010), 117–39.
96Conant, Staying Roman, pp. 362–70.
97Narshakhī, The History of Bukhara: Translated from a Persian Abridgement of the Arabic Original by Narshakhī, tr. N Frye (Cambridge, MA, 1954), pp. 48–9.
98A. Watson, Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World (Cambridge, 1983); T. Glick, ‘Hydraulic Technology in al-Andalus’, in M. Morony (ed.), Production and the Exploitation of Resources (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 327–39.
Chapter 6 – The Road of Furs
1W. Davis, Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative Extracts from the Sources, 2 vols (Boston, 1912–13), 2, pp. 365–7.
2Ibn Khurradādhbih, Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik, tr. Lunde and Stone, ‘Book of Roads and Kingdoms’, in Ibn Fadlan and the Land of Darkness, pp. 99–104.
3E. van Donzel and A. Schmidt, Gog and Magog in Early Christian and Islamic Sources: Sallam’s Quest for Alexander’s Wall (Leiden, 2010); also note here F. Sezgin, Anthropogeographie (Frankfurt, 2010), pp. 95–7; I. Krachovskii, Arabskaya geographitcheskaya literatura (Moscow, 2004), esp. pp. 138–41.
4A. Gow, ‘Gog and Magog on Mappaemundi and Early Printed World Maps: Orientalizing Ethnography in the Apocalyptic Tradition’, Journal of Early Modern History 2.1 (1998), 61–2.
5Ibn Falān, Book of Ahmad ibn Falān, tr. Lunde and Stone, Land of Darkness, p. 12.
6Ibid., pp. 23–4.
7Ibid., p. 12; for Tengri, see U. Harva, Die Religiösen Vorstellungen der altaischen Völker (Helsinki, 1938), pp. 140–53.
8R. Mason, ‘The Religious Beliefs of the Khazars’, Ukrainian Quarterly 51.4 (1995), 383–415.
9Note therefore a recent contrary argument that decouples Sufism and the nomad world, J. Paul, ‘Islamizing Sufis in Pre-Mongol Central Asia’, in de la Vaissière, Islamisation de l’Asie Centrale, pp. 297–317.
10Abū Hāmid al-Gharnātī, Tufat al-albāb wa-nukhbat al-ijāb wa-Rilah ilá Ūrubbah wa-Āsiyah, tr. Lunde and Stone, ‘The Travels’, in Land of Darkness, p. 68.
11A. Khazanov, ‘The Spread of World Religions in Medieval Nomadic Societies of the Eurasian Steppes’, in M. Gervers and W. Schlepp (eds), Nomadic Diplomacy, Destruction and Religion from the Pacific to the Adriatic (Toro
nto, 1994), pp. 11–34.
12E. Seldeslachts, ‘Greece, the Final Frontier? The Westward Spread of Buddhism’, in A. Heirman and S. Bumbacher (eds), The Spread of Buddhism (Leiden, 2007); R. Bulliet, ‘Naw Bahar and the Survival of Iranian Buddhism’, Iran 14 (1976), 144–5; Narshakhī, History of Bukhara, p. 49.
13Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, ed. G. Moravcsik, tr. R. Jenkins (Washington, DC, 1967), 37, pp. 166–70.
14Ibn Falān, ‘Book of Ahmad ibn Falān’, p. 22. Some scholars play down the significance of pastoral nomadism on the steppe, e.g. B. Zakhoder, Kaspiiskii svod svedenii o Vostochnoi Evrope, 2 vols (Moscow, 1962), 1, pp. 139–40.
15D. Dunlop, The History of the Jewish Khazars (Princeton, 1954), p. 83; L. Baranov, Tavrika v epokhu rannego srednevekov’ia (saltovo-maiatskaia kul’tura) (Kiev, 1990), pp. 76–9.
16A. Martinez, ‘Gardīzī’s Two Chapters on the Turks’, Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 2 (1982), 155; T. Noonan, ‘Some Observations on the Economy of the Khazar Khaganate’, in P. Golden, H. Ben-Shammai and A. Róna-Tas (eds), The World of the Khazars (Leiden, 2007), pp. 214–15.
17Baranov, Tavrika, pp. 72–6.
18Al-Muqaddasī, in Land of Darkness, pp. 169–70.
19Abū Hāmid, ‘Travels’, p. 67.
20McCormick, Origins of the European Economy, pp. 369–84.
21J. Howard-Johnston, ‘Trading in Fur, from Classical Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages’, in E. Cameron (ed.), Leather and Fur: Aspects of Early Medieval Trade and Technology (London, 1998), pp. 65–79.
22Masūdī, Kitāb al-tanbīh wa-al-ishrāf, tr. Lunde and Stone, ‘The Meadows of Gold and Mines of Precious Gems’, Land of Darkness, p. 161.
23Muqaddasī, Asanu-t-taqāsīm fī marifati-l-aqālīm, tr. Lunde and Stone, ‘Best Divisions for the Knowledge of the Provinces’, Land of Darkness, p. 169.
24Abū Hāmid, ‘Travels’, p. 75.
25R. Kovalev, ‘The Infrastructure of the Northern Part of the “Fur Road” between the Middle Volga and the East during the Middle Ages’, Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 11 (2000–1), 25–64.
26Muqaddasī, Best Division of Knowledge, p. 252.
27Ibn al-Faqīh, Land of Darkness, p. 113.
28al-Muqaddasī, Best Division of Knowledge, p. 245.
29For a recent overview, G. Mako, ‘The Possible Reasons for the Arab–Khazar Wars’, Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 17 (2010), 45–57.
30R.-J. Lilie, Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber. Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1976), pp. 157–60; J. Howard-Johnston, ‘Byzantine Sources for Khazar History’, in Golden, Ben-Shammai and Róna-Tas, World of the Khazars, pp. 163–94.
31The marriage of the daughter of the Emperor Heraclius with the Türk khagan at the height of the confrontation with the Persians in the early seventh century was the only exception, C. Zuckermann, ‘La Petite Augusta et le Turc: Epiphania-Eudocie sur les monnaies d’Héraclius’, Revue numismatique 150 (1995), 113–26.
32Ibn Falān, ‘Book of Ahmad ibn Falān’, p. 56.
33Dunlop, History of the Jewish Khazars, p. 141.
34See P. Golden, ‘The Peoples of the South Russian Steppes’, in The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 256–84; A. Novosel’tsev, Khazarskoye gosudarstvo i ego rol’ v istorii Vostochnoy Evropy i Kavkaza (Moscow, 1990).
35P. Golden, ‘Irano-Turcica: The Khazar Sacral Kingship’, Acta Orientalia 60.2 (2007), 161–94. Some scholars interpret the change in the nature of the role of the khagan as resulting from a shift in religious beliefs and practices during this period. See for example J. Olsson, ‘Coup d’état, Coronation and Conversion: Some Reflections on the Adoption of Judaism by the Khazar Khaganate’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 23.4 (2013), 495–526.
36R. Kovalev, ‘Commerce and Caravan Routes along the Northern Silk Road (Sixth–Ninth Centuries). Part I: The Western Sector’, Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 14 (2005), 55–105.
37Masūdī, ‘Meadows of Gold’, pp. 131, 133; Noonan, ‘Economy of the Khazar Khaganate’, p. 211.
38Istakhrī, Kitāb suwar al-aqalīm, tr. Lunde and Stone, ‘Book of Roads and Kingdoms’, in Land of Darkness, pp. 153–5.
39J. Darrouzès, Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Paris, 1981), pp. 31–2, 241–2, 245.
40Istakhrī, ‘Book of Roads and Kingdoms’, pp. 154–5.
41Mason, ‘The Religious Beliefs of the Khazars’, 411.
42C. Zuckerman, ‘On the Date of the Khazars’ Conversion to Judaism and the Chronology of the Kings of the Rus’ Oleg and Igor: A Study of the Anonymous Khazar Letter from the Genizah of Cairo’, Revue des Etudes Byzantines 53 (1995), 245.
43Ibid., 243–4. For borrowings from Constantine’s writing, P. Meyvaert and P. Devos, ‘Trois énigmes cyrillo-méthodiennes de la “Légende Italique” résolues grâce à un document inédit’, Analecta Bollandiana 75 (1955), 433–40.
44P. Lavrov (ed.), Materialy po istorii vozniknoveniya drevnishei slavyanskoi pis’mennosti (Leningrad, 1930), p. 21; F. Butler, ‘The Representation of Oral Culture in the Vita Constantini’, Slavic and East European Review 39.3 (1995), 372.
45‘The Letter of Rabbi Hasdai’, in J. Rader Marcus (ed.), The Jew in the Medieval World (Cincinnati, 1999), pp. 227–8. Also here see N. Golb and O. Pritsak (eds), Khazarian Hebrew Documents of the Tenth Century (London, 1982).
46‘The Letter of Joseph the King’, in J. Rader Marcus (ed.), The Jew in the Medieval World, p. 300. For a discussion of the date and context, P. Golden, ‘The Conversion of the Khazars to Judaism’, in Golden, Ben-Shammai and Róna-Tas, World of the Khazars, pp. 123–62.
47R. Kovalev, ‘Creating “Khazar Identity” through Coins – the “Special Issue” Dirhams of 837/8’, in F. Curta (ed.), East Central and Eastern Europe in the Early Middle Ages (Ann Arbor, 2005), pp. 220–53. For the change in burial practices, V. Petrukhin, ‘The Decline and Legacy of Khazaria’, in P. Urbanczyk (ed.), Europe around the Year 1000 (Warsaw, 2001), pp. 109–22.
48Qurān, 2.285, p. 48; 3.84, p. 60.
49Zuckerman, ‘On the Date of the Khazars’ Conversion’, 241. Also Golb and Pritsak, Khazarian Hebrew Documents, p. 130.
50Masūdī, ‘Meadows of Gold’, p. 132; for elite Judaism, Mason, ‘The Religious Beliefs of the Khazars’, 383–415.
51Pritsak and Golb, Khazarian Hebrew Documents; Masūdī, ‘Meadows of Gold’, p. 133; Istakhrī, ‘Book of Roads and Kingdoms’, p. 154.
52Ibn Khurradādhbih, ‘Book of Roads and Kingdoms’, p. 110.
53Ibid., pp. 111–12.
54Ibid., p. 112.
55Ibn al-Faqīh, ‘Book of Countries’, p. 114.
56Liudprand of Cremona, a visitor to Constantinople in the tenth century, thought the name for the Rus’ came from the Greek word rousios, or red, because of their distinctive hair colour, The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona, tr. P. Squatriti (Washington, DC, 2007), 5.15, p. 179. In fact, the word comes from Scandinavian words roþrsmenn and roðr meaning to row. S. Ekbo, ‘Finnish Ruotsi and Swedish Roslagen – What Sort of Connection?’, Medieval Scandinavia 13 (2000), 64–9; W. Duczko, Viking Rus: Studies on the Presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe (Leiden, 2004), pp. 22–3.
57S. Franklin and J. Shepard, The Emergence of Rus’ 750–1200 (London, 1996).
58Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, 9, pp. 58–62.
59De Administrando Imperio, 9, p. 60.
60Ibn Rusta, Kitāb al-alāq an-nafīsa, tr. Lunde and Stone, ‘Book of Precious Gems’, in Land of Darkness, p. 127.
61Ibn Falān, ‘Book of Ahmad ibn Falān’, p. 45.
62Ibn Rusta, ‘Book of Precious Gems’, p. 127.
63Ibn Falān, ‘Book of Ahmad ibn Falān’, pp. 46–9.
64A. Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia (New Haven, 2012), pp. 78–9.
65M. Bogucki, ‘The Beginning of the Dirham Import to the Baltic Sea and the Question of the Early Emporia’, in
A. Bitner-Wróblewska and U. Lund-Hansen (eds), Worlds Apart? Contacts across the Baltic Sea in the Iron Age: Network Denmark–Poland 2005–2008 (Copenhagen, 2010), pp. 351–61. For Sweden, I. Hammarberg, Byzantine Coin Finds in Sweden (1989); C. von Heijne, Särpräglat. Vikingatida och tidigmedeltida myntfynd från Danmark, Skåne, Blekinge och Halland (ca. 800–1130) (Stockholm, 2004).
66T. Noonan, ‘Why Dirhams First Reached Russia: The Role of Arab–Khazar Relations in the Development of the Earliest Islamic Trade with Eastern Europe’, Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 4 (1984), 151–82, and above all idem, ‘Dirham Exports to the Baltic in the Viking Age’, in K. Jonsson and B. Malmer (eds), Sigtuna Papers: Proceedings of the Sigtuna Symposium on Viking-Age Coinage 1–4 June 1989 (Stockholm, 1990), pp. 251–7.
Chapter 7 – The Slave Road
1Ibn Rusta, ‘Book of Precious Gems’, pp. 126–7.
2Ibid.
3De Administrando Imperio, 9, p. 60.
4Ibn Falān, ‘Book of Ahmad ibn Falān’, p. 47.
5D. Wyatt, Slaves and Warriors in Medieval Britain and Ireland, 800–1200 (Leiden, 2009).
6L. Delisle (ed.), Littérature latine et histoire du moyen âge (Paris, 1890), p. 17.
7See J. Henning, ‘Strong Rulers – Weak Economy? Rome, the Carolingians and the Archaeology of Slavery in the First Millennium AD’, in J. Davis and M. McCormick (eds), The Long Morning of Medieval Europe: New Directions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 33–53; for Novgorod, see H. Birnbaum, ‘Medieval Novgorod: Political, Social and Cultural Life in an Old Russian Urban Community’, California Slavic Studies (1992), 14, p. 11.
8Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops of Hamburg Bremen, ed. and tr. F. Tschan (New York, 1959), 4.6, p. 190.
9B. Hudson, Viking Pirates and Christian Princes: Dynasty, Religion and Empire in the North Atlantic (Oxford, 2005), p. 41; in general, also see S. Brink, Vikingarnas slavar: den nordiska träldomen under yngre järnålder och äldsta medeltid (Stockholm, 2012).
10T. Noonan, ‘Early Abbasid Mint Output’, Journal of Economic and Social History 29 (1986), 113–75; R. Kovalev, ‘Dirham Mint Output of Samanid Samarqand and its Connection to the Beginnings of Trade with Northern Europe (10th Century)’, Histoire & Mesure 17.3–4 (2002), 197–216; T. Noonan and R. Kovalev, ‘The Dirham Output and Monetary Circulation of a Secondary Samanid Mint: A Case Study of Balkh,’ in R. Kiernowski (ed.), Moneta Mediævalis: Studia numizmatyczne i historyczne ofiarowane Profesorowi Stanisławowi Suchodolskiemu w 65. rocznicę urodzin (Warsaw, 2002), pp. 163–74.
The Silk Roads: A New History of the World Page 70