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NOTES
CHAPTER 1
1. Or even to condemn: Whitmarsh 2013, 3; and cf. chapter 2 of this volume.
CHAPTER 2
1.Barad 2007, 264.
2.The dates given in the title of Swain 1996.
3.This phrase comes from Anderson 1993.
4.Bowie 1970 is entitled “The Greeks and Their Past in the Second Sophistic.” This trope has been repeated innumerable times since: see, e.g., Brent 2006, 5–8 (“Language Games and Life in the Second Sophistic”). Variants include, e.g., “during the Second Sophistic” (Baumbach and Bär 2007, 8–15); “from the period of the Second Sophistic” (Elsner 2007, 135).
5.I attempt to account for the “wave function” (although I do not call it that) in Whitmarsh 2013.
6.See, e.g., Schmitz 1997; Whitmarsh 2005.
7.For material culture and the Second Sophistic, see Borg 2004; also Elsner 1995, 2007, and Nasrallah 2010.
8.Swain 1991.
9.Wilamowitz-Möllendorff 1900, 9–14; Brunt 1994, esp. 25–33.
10.PHib. 15. Of a similar period is PBerol. 9781. In general, on Hellenistic oratory, see Cuypers 2010, 323–330; Kremmydas and Tempest 2013; Russell 1983, 3–4, 16–20; Vanderspoel 2007.
11.Puech 2002.
12.For this point see especially Schmitz and Wiater 2011. Goldhill 2001b contains a chapter (by John Henderson) on Polybius.
13.Cameron 2011; Bowersock 1990.
14.Swain 1996, 2–3.
15.Goldhill 2001a, 14.
16.“Archaeology”: Hunter 1996.
17.Cameron 1995 has argued that scholarship has understated the performance context of Hellenistic poetry. Conversely, it would be misleading to suggest that rhetorical (or any other kind of) performance was the primary driver of imperial literary production: the major texts that survive are (for obvious reasons) book texts, even if performance remained absolutely crucial (see, e.g., Hall 2013). The crucial point is that in both the Hellenistic and Imperial periods we should be thinking of a complex blend of the textual and performed.
18.See, e.g., Bowie 1989a, 1989b, 1990; Merkelbach and Stauber 1998–2004 (for the inscriptions); Whitmarsh 2013.
r /> 19.Rohde 1914.
20.Huet 1971.
21.Giangrande 1962; Lavagnini 1922.
22.Perry 1967.
23.Tilg 2010.
24.For this diachronic view of the romance as genre, see Whitmarsh 2013, 35–48.
25.See Luc. De Salt. 2, 54 for Metiochus and Parthenope, with Hägg and Utas 2013, 46–52. On mimes and novels, see esp. Webb 2013.
26.A date in the second century CE is sometimes posited on the basis of the apparent reference at 2.13.3 and 3.9.5 to the office of “keeper of the peace” (eirenarch), which is first attested epigraphically under Trajan. But as Bowie 2002, 57, and others note, there is no reason to assume that the first epigraphic attestation marks the first creation of the post (in fact, that is highly unlikely).
27.On these motifs see West 1974, especially 71–75.
28.Frr. 8a–b Lenfant 2004, Stronk 2010. Lobel dates the papyrus to the second century CE (see POxy. 2330).
29.Giangrande 1976 argues that the papyrus cannot be Ctesias, since it is in an Atticizing dialect and we are told that Ctesias wrote in Ionic. I agree with Bigwood 1986 that this objection is not decisive, but even so there is no way of deciding the matter given our current state of evidence.
30.For the novelistic motifs here, see Holzberg 1992.
31.Lenfant 2004; Stronk 2010.
32.Fragment 8c in Stronk 2010, Lenfant 2004.
33.Ctesias’s interplay of pronouns (“it was I who . . . because of you,” etc.) seems to have been imitated by the imperial authors of romances: see Char. 4.3.10 and Ach. Tat. 5.18.4–5.
34.See above, note 29.
35.For convenient summaries of views, see Humphrey 2000, 28–31; Vogel 2009, 9–15.
36.Selden 2010 speaks similarly of “text networks.”
37.Braun 1938.
38.On the complex relationship between the Joseph story and the Greek novel, see Whitmarsh 2007.
39.On the parallelism between novelistic and (Christian) martyr scenes see Chew 2003; specifically on 4 Maccabees and Achilles Tatius, see Shaw 1996.
40.Both are discussed with further bibliography in Whitmarsh 2013, 211–247 (where I argue for a “Jewish sophistic”). Generally, on Hellenistic Jewish literary culture, see Barclay 1996; Collins 2000; Gruen 2002.