World on Fire World on Fire World on Fire
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22. Hazel M. McFerson, “Ethnicity, Individual Initiative, and Economic Growth in an African Plural Society: The Bamiléké of Cameroon,” in U.S. AID Evaluation Special Study No. 15 (1983), and Etienne Tasse, “Cameroon Politics: It Just Takes a Spark to Ignite Ethnic Fires,” Inter Press Service, July 11, 1995.
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23. See Karl Vick, “A New View of Kenya’s ‘Asians,’” Washington Post, March 15, 2000, p. A21, and Simon Baynham, “Racial fears flare in Kenya,” Jane’s Intelligence Review, February 1, 1997, p. 11.
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24. See Vick, “A New View of Kenya’s ‘Asians,’” p. A21, and Baynham, “Racial fears flare in Kenya,” p. 11.
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25. See, for example, Michael Cowan and Scott MacWilliam, Indigenous Capital in Kenya (Helsinki: Institute of Development Studies, University of Helsinki, 1996).
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26. The “Goldenberg case” is discussed in “Kenya’s Man in the Middle,” Business in Africa, June 18, 2001. On the history and economic success of Indians in East Africa, see J. S. Mangat, A History of the Asians in East Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), and Thomas Sowell, Migrations and Cultures: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1996), chapter 7.
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27. See Keith B. Richburg, “Tanzanian Reforms Opening Up Socialist, One-Party System,” Washington Post, March 24, 1992, p. A14, and Scott Straus, “In Zambia, Race Hatred Simmers,” Baltimore Sun, January 26, 1996, p. A2.
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28. Moyiga Nduru, “Behind the Scenes of a Democratic Election,” available at http://www.oneworld.org/index_oc/news/kenya231297.html. On the 1982 riots, see Alan Cowell, “A Fearful Reminder Lingers for Asians in Kenya,” New York Times, September 1, 1982, p. A2.
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29. See James Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” The New York Review of Books, June 29, 2000, pp. 61–66, and “The Darkest Corner of Africa,” The Economist, January 9, 1999, p. 41.
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30. Neil O. Leighton, “Lebanese Emigration: Its Effect on the Political Economy of Sierra Leone,” in Albert Hourani and Nadim Shehadi, eds., The Lebanese in the World: A Century of Emigration (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies, 1992), pp. 579–601, especially pp. 582–84.
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31. Ibid., pp. 584–97, and H. L. van der Laan, The Lebanese Traders in Sierra Leone (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1975), chapter 9.
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32. Graham Greene, The Heart of the Matter (New York: Penguin Books, 1948), p. 6.
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33. See “The Inner Circle of the Taylor Regime,” January 1, 2001, available at http://www.theperspective.org/innercircle.html.
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34. The statistics on population and ethnic demographics cited throughout the chapter are from Africa South of the Sahara (29th ed.) (London: Europa Publications, 1999). Most of the statistics relating to poverty, illiteracy, and other measures of development are from United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).
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Part Two Preface
1. John Lewis Gaddis, “Democracy and Foreign Policy,” p. 8 (Transcript of Devane Lecture, delivered at Yale University on April 17, 2001, available at http://www.yale.edu/yale300/democracy. See also Thomas Carothers, Aiding Democracy Abroad (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), pp. 40–44.
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Chapter 5
1. See Catherine Buckle, African Tears: The Zimbabwe Land Invasions (Johannesburg and London: Covos Day Books, 2001), pp. 31, 50–55, 72, 74, and Adam Roberts, “The great manipulator,” Times Literary Supplement, March 8, 2002, p. 7.
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2. See Buckle, African Tears, p. 32; Roberts, “The great manipulator,” pp. 7–8; and “Leader Urges Zimbabwe Blacks to Menace the White Residents,” New York Times, December 15, 2000, p. A8.
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3. Roberts, “The great manipulator,” p. 7.
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4. Seumas Milne, “Colonialism and the new world order,” Guardian (London), March 7, 2002, p. 20, and Roberts, “The great manipulator,” p. 7. For a history of Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe, see Martin Meredith, Our Votes, Our Guns (New York: Public Affairs, 2002).
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5. See Buckle, African Tears, p. 140, and Rupert Cornwell, “Zimbabwe Crisis: Mugabe Declares War on Country’s White Farmers,” Independent (London), April 19, 2000, p. 13.
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6. Peter Beinart, “Beloved Country,” The New Republic, April 1, 2002, p. 6, and Milne, “Colonialism and the new world order,” p. 20.
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7. Rosie DiManno, “In Zimbabwe, Change is Just a Word,” Toronto Star, March 26, 2001. See also Roberts, “The great manipulator,” p. 7.
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8. Claire Keeton, “Thousands of S. African squatters facing government wrath,” Agence France-Presse, July 4, 2001; and “South Africa: Pan Africanist Congress urges summit to discuss land issue,” BBC Worldwide Monitoring, July 8, 2001.
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9. Michael Dynes, “South Africa’s license for black redress,” The Times (London), February 7, 2001.
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10. Frank H. Golay, Ralph Anspach, M. Ruth Pfanner & Eliezer B. Ayal, Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969), pp. 137, 158, 166, 181, 191–95, 197–98.
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11. See Dennis Austin, Democracy and Violence in India and Sri Lanka (London: Printer Publishers Limited, 1994), pp. xvii, 66–70, and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 383, 683.
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12. Golay et al., Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 209, 211, and Martin Smith, Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity (London and New Jersey: Zed Books, 1991), pp. 200–201.
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13. Omar Noman, Pakistan (London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1990), pp. 20, 41, 75–80, 93–94; Richard F. Nyrop, ed., Pakistan: A Country Study (5th ed.) (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1984), pp. 104, 137; Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 124–26, 135–39; and Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern History (London: Hurst and Company, 1998), pp. 215, 233.
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14. See Robert Barton, A Short History of the Republic of Bolivia (La Paz and Cochabamba, Bolivia: Los Amigos del Libro, 1968), pp. 255–75; Magnus Mörner, The Andean Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), pp. 69, 205, 221–22; and “Victor Paz Estenssoro,” The Economist, June 23, 2001, p. 84.
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15. I have documented this in more detail in Amy L. Chua, “The Privatization-Nationalization Cycle: The Link between Markets and Ethnicity in Developing Countries,” Columbia Law Review 95 (1995): 223–303.
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16. Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (New York: Anchor Books, 2000), p. 450 (citing Larry Diamond).
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17. Clifford Geertz, “Starting Over,” The New York Review of Books, May 11, 2000, pp. 22, 24.
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18. Tom McCawley Serang, “A People’s Economy,” Asiaweek, December 18, 1998, p. 62.
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19. See David Jenkins, “The Business of Hatred,” Sydney Morning Herald, October 28, 1998, p. 8; “Indonesia’s Anguish,” New York Times, October 16, 1998, p. A26; Ravi Velloor, “Fix Chinese Issue, Indonesia Told,” Straits Times, October 10, 1998, p. 2; and Kafil Yamin, “Economy-Indonesia: Not Too Happy With Very Strong Currency,” Inter Press Service, July 2, 1999.
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20. See Warren Caragata, “One Lousy Job,” Asiaweek, February 16, 2001, p. 27, and “Nationalizing Indonesia: Commanding Depths,” The Economist, July 24, 1999, p. 61.
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21. Caragata, “One Lousy Job,” p. 27, and “Privatization should be reactivated,” Jakarta Post, December 31, 2001.
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22. Fyodor Dostoyevsky, “The Jewish Question,” Kenneth Lantz, trans., A Writer’s Diary (March 1877) (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1997), pp. 905–6.
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23. My accounts of rising political anti-Semitism in Russia are based on the following sources: National Conference on Soviet Jewry, Anti-Defamation League, “The Reemergence of Political Anti-Semitism in Russia: A Call for Action” (presented to Secretary of State Madeline Albright on January 21, 1999), pp. 1–4, available at http://www.adl.org/international/russian_political_antisemitism.html; Michael R. Gordon, “Russian Jews Turning Edgy as the Country’s Chaos Creates an Ugly Mood,” New York Times, March 9, 1999, p. A12; and Paul Goble, “Russia: Analysis From Washington—Another Outburst of Anti-Semitism,” available at http://www.rferl.org/nca/features/1998/12/F.RU.981216135725.html. On anti-Semitic demagoguery in Krasnodar, see Celestine Bohlen, “Where Russians Are Hurting, Racism Takes Root,” New York Times, November 15, 1998, p. A3.
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24. See Igor Semenenko, “Top Official: Invalidate Unfair Sell-Off Deals,” Moscow Times, March 10, 1999, and “TV analyses developing parliamentary election race in Russia,” BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, January 19, 1999.
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25. See Vladimir Todres and Eduard Gismatullin, “Russia Shuts Down Last Nationwide Private TV Channel,” Bloomberg News, January 22, 2002; “Blank Screens,” The Economist, January 26, 2002; and “Democracy is Step One, Mr. Putin,” Los Angeles Times, April 19, 2001, p. B10.
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26. Judith Matloff, “Russians seek scapegoats in hard times,” Christian Science Monitor, August 13, 1999, p. 9.
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27. Nabi Abdullaev, “New Political Party Campaigns against Jews,” Moscow Times, February 28, 2002.
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28. Larry Rohter, “A Combative Leader Shapes Venezuela to a Leftist Vision,” New York Times, July 28, 2000, pp. A1, A8. For a historical synopsis of the often symbiotic relationship between Venezuela’s roughly 20 percent white elite and the country’s military, see Heinz R. Sonntag, “Crisis and regression: Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela,” in Manuel Antonio Garretón M. and Edward Newman, eds., Democracy in Latin America (Tokyo, New York, and Paris: United Nations University Press, 2001), chapter 6.
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29. See Rohter, “A Combative Leader Shapes Venezuela to a Leftist Vision,” pp. A1, A8; and “Back to the soil,” The Economist, April 28, 2001.
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30. Linda Diebel, “Seattle Fallout Drifts South,” Toronto Star, December 26, 1999; Bart Jones, “Venezuelans Overwhelmingly Approve New Constitution,” Associated Press, December 16, 1999; Rohter, “A Combative Leader Shapes Venezuela to a Leftist Vision,” pp. A1, A8; and “Venezuelan president replaces profit with food in the ‘peaceful revolution,’” Irish Times, October 12, 1999, p. 10.
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31. Fabiola Sanchez, “Venezuela central bank director says no nationalization despite presidential threats,” Associated Press, December 18, 2001, and “Chavez Seeks to Tax Financial Transactions,” LatinFinance, February 1, 2002, p. 6.
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32. See David Adams, “Twelve killed in Venezuelan street protests,” The Times (London), April 12, 2002. On the disastrous economic effects of Chavez’s policies, see “Consolidating Power in Venezuela,” New York Times, August 2, 2000, p. A24.
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33. See Andy Webb-Vidal, “Strengthened Caracas leader strikes a more moderate tone,” Financial Times, April 15, 2002, p. 7, and Ginger Thompson, “Behind the Upheaval in Venezuela,” New York Times, April 18, 2002, p. A8.
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Chapter 6
1. James Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” The New York Review of Books, June 29, 2000, pp. 61–66; Colin Muncie, “On a mission to hell and back,” Medical Post, August 25, 1998, p. 19; and Alex Duval Smith, “This is a nation of husbands who have seen their wives executed and their children’s hands chopped off,” The Independent, January 23, 1999, p. 1.
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2. See William Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 72–73, and H. L. van der Laan, The Lebanese Traders in Sierra Leone (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1975), pp. 9, 58–62, 280–81.
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3. Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone, pp. 4, 87, 110–11, 118–20.
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4. David Fashole Luke, “The Politics of Economic Decline in Sierra Leone,” Journal of Modern African Studies 27 (1989): 133–41, p. 137, and “Waxing fat on a diet of shrimps, diamonds—and good connections,” South, December 1982, p. 60.
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5. Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone, pp. 155–60, 172–74; Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” p. 61; and “Waxing fat on a diet of shrimps, diamonds—and good connections,” p. 60.
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6. Traub, “The Worst Place on Earth,” p. 61.
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7. See Kathryn Ellis, “Diamonds Are Fundamental to Sierra Leone Conflict, U.S. Editor Says,” State Department Information Programs, available at http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/af/security/a1062501.htm. On the Lebanese exodus, see “Fuel Crisis New Worry to War-Weary Sierra Leone,” January 27, 1999, available at http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/africa/9901/27/sierra.leone.01.
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8. Michael R. J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto (3d ed.) (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 14–15, 32–59, 105–6, 126–30; Leo Suryadinata, “Indonesian Politics toward the Chinese Minority under the New Order,” Asian Survey 16 (1976): 770–87; and R. William Liddle, “Coercion, Co-optation, and the Management of Ethnic Relations in Indonesia,” pp. 273–319, in Michael F. Brown and Sumit Ganguly, eds., Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997), p. 318.
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9. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, pp. 15, 51. The estimates of the Suharto family’s wealth are from George J. Aditjondro, “Suharto & Sons (and Daughters, In-Laws, and Cronies),” Washington Post, January 25, 1998, p. C1.
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10. William Ascher, Why Governments Waste Natural Resources (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 75–76.
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11. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, p. 151, and Salil Tripathi, “Children of a Lesser God,” Far Eastern Economic Review, June 4, 1998, p. 66.
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12. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, pp. 156–61, 227.
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13. Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 162.
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14. For discussions of pre-Marcos anti-market backlashes against the Chinese in the Philippines, see Frank H. Golay, Ralph Anspach, M. Ruth Pfanner & Eliezer B. Ayal, Underdevelopment and Economic Nationalism in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969), chapter 2, and Edgar Wickberg, “Anti-Sinicism and Chinese Identity Options in the Philippines,” pp. 152–83, in Daniel Chirot and Anthony Reid, eds., Essential Outsiders: Chinese and Jews in the Modern Transformation of Southeast Asia and Central Europe (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1997), pp. 168–74.
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15. See Sterling Seagrave, The Marcos Dynasty (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), pp. 22–27.
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16. See Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator, pp. 112–27, especially p. 125.
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17. Ibid., pp. 256–63.
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18. Ibid., pp. 127, 161.
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19. Ibid., pp. 161–62, 247–48. On Imelda’s courting of Kissinger, and its results, see Ibid., p. 155. As for Imelda’s being dumped by Ninoy Aquino, see Ibid., pp. 21–22.
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20. Ibid., pp. 388–89; Seagrave, The Marcos Dynasty, pp. 234–35.
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21. See “Was Marcos Misunderstood?” BusinessWeek Online, October 11, 1999, available at http://www.businessweek.com/1999/99_41/b3650091.htm. For testimony regarding Marcos’s demand for 60 percent of a Chinese company’s equity, see Jovito R. Salonga, Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos’ Ill-Gotten Wealth (Quezon City: University of the Philippines & Regina Publishing, 2000), pp. 335–37.
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22. On the antidemocracy positions taken by prominent Indian leaders before independence, see Michael Cowan and Scott MacWilliam, Indigenous Capital in Kenya (Helsinki: Institute of Development Studies, University of Helsinki, 1996), p. 113. For a detailed discussion of Indian contributions to President Kenyatta’s political campaign, see pp. 114–15. On President Moi’s evolving relationship with Kenya’s Indian minority, see pp. 117–19, 129–30.
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23. “Victor Paz Estenssoro,” The Economist, June 23, 2001, p. 84.
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24. See Rodolfo Stavenhagen, “Social Dimensions: Ethnicity,” in Manuel Antonio Garretón M. and Edward Newman, eds., Democracy in Latin America (Tokyo, New York, and Paris: United Nations University Press, 2001), chapter 7, and Joseph Contreras, “Rise of the Indian,” Newsweek, August 13, 2001, p. 20. On President Alemán’s reprivatization campaign, see Peter H. Smith, “Mexico Since 1946: Dynamics of an Authoritarian Regime,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., Mexico Since Independence (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 321, 337, 339–40. On Guatemala, see Thomas and Marjorie Melville, Guatemala: The Politics of Land Ownership (New York: Free Press, 1971), pp. 81–94, 297–99, and Contreras, “Rise of the Indian.”