Mesa of Sorrows
Page 21
37Homol’ovi II: William H. Walker, “Where Are the Witches of Prehistory?” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 5, no. 3 (1998): 245–308, case discussed 287–293, quote 293.
38The arrival of the Katsina religion: E. Charles Adams, The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991).
39Thus was the fate of sorcerers, wizards: J. Andrew Darling, “Mass Inhumation and the Execution of Witches in the American Southwest,” American Anthropologist 100, no. 3 (1998): 732–752, quote 741.
41Cushing’s public statements: “Killing Sorcerers: Remarkable Customs of the Zuni Indians in New Mexico,” reprinted in Jesse Green, ed., Cushing at Zuni: The Correspondence and Journals of Frank Hamilton Cushing, 1879–1884 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), 340–342.
42“first witnessed the trial”: Ibid., 342.
42The Oraibi crisis of 1906: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 214–215; Jerrold Levy, Orayvi Revisited: Social Stratification in an “Egalitarian” Society (Santa Fe, NM: SAR Press, 1992).
CHAPTER 3: THE SINGING HOUSE
44“I wonder if”: Stoner to Brew, June 20, 1938, letter in Correspondence File, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge, MA.
44The people of Antelope Mesa: Pedro de Tovar, in George Parker Winship, The Coronado Expedition, 1540–1542, Smithsonian Institution, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part II (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 489.
45“received the submission”: Tovar, in Winship, Coronado Expedition, quotes 488–489.
46“about one thousand Indians”: George Peter Hammond and Agapito Rey, Expedition into New Mexico Made by Antonio de Espejo, 1582–1583, as Revealed in the Journal of Diego Pérez de Luján, a Member of the Party (Los Angeles: The Quivira Society Publications, 1929), quote 95.
46disappointment after disappointment: Ibid., quote 96.
47“They harvest much cotton”: Fray Estévan de Perea, in Fray Alonso de Benavides, Revised Memorial of 1634, with Numerous Supplementary Documents Annotated by F. W. Hodge, G. P. Hammond, and Agapito Rey (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1945), quotes 76–77.
47the friars’ message of doom: Daniel T. Reff, “Contextualizing Missionary Discourse: The Benavides Memorials of 1630 and 1634,” Journal of Anthropological Research 50 (1994): 51–67.
48For example, Friar Alonso: Frederick Web Hodge, George Hammond, and Agapito Rey, eds. and trans., Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial of 1634 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1945), quotes 7, 76–77, 93–95; Reff, “Contextualizing Missionary Discourse”; Jane Tar, “The Fame and Trials of Luisa de la Ascensión, the Nun of Carrión (1565–1636),” paper presented at the Midwest Modern Language Association Meetings, 2008; for a sweeping treatment of Marianist themes in peace and war, see Amy G. Remensnyder, La Conquistadora: The Virgin Mary at War and Peace in the Old and New Worlds (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).
49However much conversions: J. O. Brew, Part 2, “The Excavation of Franciscan Awatovi,” in Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi (Cambridge, MA: Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Report No. 3, 1949), 53–54 (hereafter Franciscan Awat’ovi); Montgomery, “San Bernardo de Aguatubi, an Analytical Restoration,” ibid., 132–135.
49Alas, Porras’s church: Ross Gordon Montgomery, Part 3, “San Bernardo de Aguatubi, an Analytical Reconstruction,” in Franciscan Awat’ovi, 186.
50Friars were enjoined: William L. Merrill, “Indigenous Societies, Missions, and the Colonial System in Northern New Spain,” in Clara Bargellini and Michael K. Komanecky, eds., The Arts of the Missions of Northern New Spain (Mexico City: Colegio de San Ildefonso, 2009), 123–153.
50Coercion and studied violence: Ibid., esp. 135.
52“For four years”: Wíkvaya as quoted in Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, 268–269.
52According to friars: Matthiew Liebmann, “At the Mouth of the Wolf: the Archaeology of Seventeenth-Century Franciscans in the Jemez Valley of New Mexico,” in Timothy J. Johnson and Gert Melville, eds., Franciscan Evangelization in the Spanish Borderlands II (Oceanside, CA: American Academy of Franciscan History, 2015), 1–18, quote 9.
53“the old men”: Benavides (1630), quoting Vetancurt, in Franciscan Awat’ovi, 11.
53Redesigning and repositioning the church: Samuel Y. Edgerton, Theaters of Conversion Religious Architecture and Indian Artisans in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001); Barbara J. Mills and William H. Walker, Memory Work: Achaeologies of Material Practices (Santa Fe, NM: SAR Press, 2008), quote 36.
54“where there were nothing”: Montgomery, “Superposition,” in Franciscan Awatovi, 134–137, quotes 134, 135.
54Indeed, nearly two meters: Brew, Franciscan Awatovi, 65–67; James E. Ivey doubts that the altar treatment was anything more than construction preparation. See Ivey, “Convento Kivas in the Missions of New Mexico, New Mexico Historical Review (April 1998): 121–152.
55Before the discovery: J. O. Brew, Part 1, “The History of Awatovi,” in Franciscan Awatovi, 99.
57the Mission Nuestra Señora: James E. Ivey, The Spanish Colonial Architecture of Pecos Pueblo, New Mexico: Archaeological Excavations and Architectural History of the Spanish Colonial Churches and Related Buildings at Pecos National Historical Park, 1617–1995 (Intermountain Region, NPS: Professional Paper No. 59, 2005), 39–73.
57the arrival of Padre Alonso: France V. Scholes, “Troublous Times in New Mexico,” Historical Society of New Mexico, Publications in History, vol. II (Albuquerque, 1942), 13–14.
58a rather more “grave” incident: Charles W. Hackett, Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, vol. 3 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1937), 259–260; Anton Daughters, “ ‘Grave Offenses Worthy of Great Punishment’: The Enslavement of Juan Suñi, 1659,” Journal of the Southwest 54, no. 3 (Autumn 2012): 437–452. For Posada and the Inquisition trial of Governor López de Mendizábal, see http://newmexicohistory.org/people/lopez-de-mendizabal-bernardo.
59Espeleta, a “highly spiritual man”: Brew, “Spaniards at Awatovi,” in Franciscan Awatovi, 17–18; Andrew O. Wiget, “Truth and the Hopi: An Historiographic Study of the Documented Oral Tradition Concerning the Coming of the Spanish,” Ethnohistory 29, no. 3 (1982): 181–199.
60Espeleta also began: Fray José Narváez Valverde, “Notes upon Moqui and Other Recent Ones upon New Mexico (Written at Senecú, Oct. 7, 1732),” in Hackett, Historical Documents, 1937, vol. 3, 385–387.
60Perhaps the most famous: Frederick Wright Gleach, Powhatan’s World and Colonial Virginia: A Conflict of Cultures (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997); Frances Leon Swadesh, “Structure of Spanish-Indian Relations in New Mexico,” in Paul M. Kutsche, ed., The Survival of Spanish American Villages (Colorado Springs: Center for Southwestern Studies, 1979), 53–61.
62“consented and gave permission”: Wiget, “Truth and the Hopi,” quote 189–190; Hackett, Historical Documents, 1937, vol.3, quote 147.
62the local Inquisition: David Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 133–137; Brew, Franciscan Awatovi, quote 18.
64The Hopis’ Navajo neighbors: Letter from David M. Brugge to author, February 25, 2005.
65Nuestra Señora de la Macana: Fray Angélico Chávez, “Nuestra Señora de la Macana,” New Mexico Historical Review 34 (1959): 81–100. “Nuestra Señora de la Macana” or “Our Lady of the War Club.” As the story goes, in 1598 the Oñate colony brought with them to New Mexico a religious statue of Our Lady of the Toledo Sacristy, which later transformed into “Nuestra Señora de la Macana” through a miracle. The apparition occurred in the early 1670s to the ten-year-old gravely ill, paralyzed daughter of the Spanish colonial governor Juan de Durán de Miranda (1671–1675). The statue told the child the provinc
e would be destroyed in six years by the Pueblo Indians. As the statue predicted, the revolt occurred. During the battle, a warrior hit the statue in the head with a sharp macana (Aztec or Nahuatl for a double-sided obsidian war club). Miraculously, only a small scar appeared on the back of the figure’s head. Fray Buenaventura de los Carros carried the statue back to Mexico City, where her name was changed. He placed the sculpture in the Convento Grande de Francisco, where it remains today. The young girl lived and returned to Mexico City with the survivors of the Pueblo Revolt.
There are only four known paintings dating to the eighteenth century that tell the story of this phenomenon, Diaz said. Each tells the story of the Pueblo Revolt. They are the only known visual interpretations of the battle that were created close to the time of the event, most likely by either a witness or someone who was told about the revolt. Franciscan priest, historian, and author Fray Angélico Chávez wrote about the image in the “New Mexico Historical Review” in 1959: “A most colorful and intriguing tidbit of New Mexican history is the image of Nuestra Señora de la Macana . . . with its own peculiar story. For this story is a most curious mixture of legend and history. Although both the statue and the story are intimately connected with seventeenth-century New Mexico, particularly with the great Indian Rebellion of 1680, neither was remembered by New Mexicans since those eventful times.” https://www.trinitystores.com/store/read-more/virgin-macana.
66nativistic purification: Colin G. Calloway, One Vast Winter Count: The Native American West Before Lewis and Clark (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003), 165–188, quote 186; James F. Brooks, Captives & Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 51–55.
66mythology of a “bloodless reconquest”: For the last days of Pueblo independence, see Matthew Liebmann, Revolt: An Archaeological History of Pueblo Resistance and Revitalization in 17th Century New Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2012); for the best treatment of Pueblo-Spanish relations in postreconquest New Mexico, which details continuing struggles for religious and spiritual authority between Franciscans and Pueblo religious leaders, see Tracy L. Brown, Pueblo Indians and Spanish Colonial Authority in Eighteenth-Century New Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013).
CHAPTER 4: WOLVES FROM THE EAST
68“And when all”: Lucy Lippard, Down Country: The Tano of the Galisteo Basin, 1250–1782 (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2010), quote 245, quoting Carbonel, from John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith Dodge, eds., Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, 1694–1697 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 688.
68Ogap’oge: On toponym for Santa Fe, see J. P. Harrington, “Old Indian Geographic Names Around Santa Fe, New Mexico,” American Anthropologist 22, no. 4 (October–December 1920); for the confrontation at Awat’ovi, see Brew, “The History of Awat’ovi,” in Franciscan Awatovi, 19; Remensnyder, La Conquistadora, 351–353.
69Galisteo Basin: http://galisteo.nmarchaeology.org/history/spanish-colonial-period.html, accessed August 15, 2013.
71Once the rebellion erupted: John Kessell, Pueblos, Spaniards, and the Kingdom of New Mexico (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 119–175.
73New San Lazaro, or Tewige: Lucy Lippard, Down Country, 217–218, n. 4. Courlander says he confirmed the location of Tsewageh as on the south side of Rio Santa Cruz near La Puebla, and there is a likely-looking patch on the bench above the river there. Lippard says Tewige was on the current site of Santa Cruz de la Cañada, which would be north of the river. Yava features a photo of what he believed to be Tsewageh, a white clay band evident in the distant ridge, 74.
73Far to the west, the “Moquis”: Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 85–87.
74“sometimes other Hopi villages”: Albert Yava, Big Falling Snow: A Tewa-Hopi Indian’s Life and Times and the History and Traditions of His People, edited and annotated by Harold Courlander (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1978), quote 26, reprinted by permission of the Emma Courlander Trust.
75Popular notions of timeless Indian: Kelley Hays-Gilpin, “All Roads Lead to Hopi,” Las vías del noroeste, II: Propuesta para una perspectiva sistèmica e interdisciplinaria (Mexico City: UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, 2008), 65–82.
75“When a clan arrived”: Yukíoma of Oraibi, “The Wanderings of the Hopi,” in H. R. Voth, The Traditions of the Hopi (Chicago, 1905), quote 24.
76“although the Hopi region”: Bernardini, Hopi Oral Tradition and the Archaeology of Identity, quote 166.
76After the revolt of 1680: Kessell, Pueblos, Spaniards, and the Kingdom of New Mexico, 125, quotes 133–135; Yava, Big Falling Snow, quote 88; E. C. Parsons, “Early Relations between Hopi and Keres,” American Anthropologist 38, no. 4 (1936), for Eastern Pueblo influences at Antelope Mesa.
78“because they are traveling about”: Lippard, Down Country, quotes 240–241, 242; citing Espinosa, 174.
78“where they had”: Lippard, Down Country, quote 242.
79“to make a home in our country”: Ibid., 245.
79Rebellion flamed elsewhere: Espinosa, Crusaders of the Rio Grande, quotes 243–244.
80Vargas recovered quickly: Lippard, Down Country, 246; Don Diego de Vargas, July 3–4, 1696, in Kessel, Hendricks, and Dodge, eds., Blood on the Boulders, quote 793.
81“a bundle of prayer feathers”: Yava, Big Falling Snow, 27–28.
82After departing Tsaewari: Stewart Peckham, “Postulated Movements of the Tano or Southern Tewa, A.D. 1300–1700,” Archaeological Society of New Mexico Papers, no. 16 (1990).
82Some 400 people: Yava, Big Falling Snow, 28.
83“How pitifully ignorant”: Edward Dozier, “The Role of the Hopi-Tewa Migration Legend in Reinforcing Cultural Patterns and Prescribing Social Behavior,” Journal of American Folklore 69, no. 272 (April–June 1956): 176–180, quotes 176–177.
83“when our ancestors”: Yava, Big Falling Snow, 32–33.
84“chew it up but do not”: Ibid., 34–35.
85“few Hopis have even”: Paul V. Kroskrity, Language, History, and Identity: Ethnolinguistic Studies of the Arizona Tewa (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1993), 8–16. Memories differ as to whether the Tanos participated in the destruction of Awat’ovi. The majority of published accounts say that the migrants arrived shortly after the violence, but certainly within a few months, since all agree the Tanos were critical in the summer 1701 defeat of a Spanish punitive expedition under orders from Governor Cubero. Edward P. Dozier, however, a Tewa ethnographer from Santa Clara Pueblo, states definitively that Awat’ovi fell to attackers “under the leadership of Espeleta, the Chief of Oraibi, warriors from all the villages, including those from Hano [emphasis added]. . . .” See Edward P. Dozier, Hano: A Tewa Indian Community in Arizona (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966), quotes 13–14.
CHAPTER 5: AT PLAY IN THE FIELDS OF THE LORD
87“an unprecedented opportunity”: Davis, Remembering Awatovi, quotes 22–26.
90“without applying to the Hopis”: Awatovi Historical Material, Brew to Scott original memo, March 1, 1935, 995-11, Box 1, F 2, Peabody Museum Archives, Cambridge, MA.
91Antiquities Act of 1906: http://www.nps.gov/archeology/tools/Laws/antact.htm (accessed February 15, 2014).
92Indian Reorganization Act: Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and American Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), 311–389.
92the Hopi constitution: Robert Hecht, “Oliver Lafarge, John Collier, and the Hopi Constitution of 1936,” Journal of Arizona History 26, no. 2 (Summer 1985): 145–162.
95“familiar with the materials”: Davis, Remembering Awatovi, quotes 28–29.
95“We are quite comfortable”: Davis, Remembering Awatovi, 35, 77; J. O. Brew, “The First Two Seasons at Awatovi,” American Antiquity 3, no. 1 (1937): 122–137, quote 128.
96Brew’s plan of work: Davis, Remembering Awatovi
, 39; Brew “The Excavation of Awatovi,” in Marnie Gaede, ed., Camera, Spade and Pen: Inside View of Southwestern Archaeology (Tucson 1980), 103–109, quote, 109.
98“in this mound”: Brew, “The First Two Seasons,” 129.
98The Western Mound proved: Brew, “The First Two Seasons,” 129–133; on Kayenta district, see Linda S. Cordell and Maxine E. McBrinn, Archaeology of the Southwest, 3rd ed. (Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, 2012), 212–214.
9980,000 potsherds: Cordell and McBrinn, Archaeology of the Southwest, 277.
101As the 1936 season: Brew, “The First Two Seasons,” quotes 134–136.
102The 1937 excavation season: J. O. Brew, “Preliminary Report of the Peabody Museum Awatovi Expedition of 1937,” American Antiquity 5, no. 2 (1939): 103–114.
103It had become clear to Brew: Brew, “Part II: The Excavation of Franciscan Awatovi,” in Franciscan Awat’ovi, Fig. 4, 54–55, 75, 86–88; for a counterexample of total convento destruction in the Revolt, see James E. Ivey, The Spanish Colonial Architecture of Pecos Pueblo, although he notes that the Hawikuh (Zuni) and San Marcos (Keres) conventos show “clear evidence of Indian occupation,” 348.
105“points with calculable sureness”: Montgomery, “Part III: San Bernardo de Aguatubi, in Franciscan Awat’ovi, quote 179.
106In late August of 1937: Davis, Remembering Awatovi, 131–132; T. E. Raynor, “Tucson Priest Says First Mass Since 1700 in Ruins of Old Spanish Mission,” Tucson Daily Citizen, September 9, 1937, p. 12, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Box 5, F.2, Peabody Museum.
106“recently been elected president”: Father Stoner Folder, Stoner to Brew, June 20, 1938, letter in correspondence file, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Box 5, F.2, Awatovi Records, Peabody Museum.
107“the first European settlement”: Hayden to Cammerer, director of National Park Service, June 22, 1938, quoting Stoner, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Box 4, F.4, Peabody Museum.
108“very glad to talk”: Brew to Stoner, July 11, 1938; Brew to Wilson, November 17, 1938; Brew to Nussbaum, November 22, 1938, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Box 4, F.4, Peabody Museum.