Complete Works of Edmund Burke

by Edmund Burke

  LXX. That the said Warren Hastings did not make any answer to the said letter. But the mother of the prince aforesaid, as well as the mother of his father, being, in consequence of his, the said Hastings’s, directions, incessantly and rudely pressed by their descendant, in the name of the Company, to pay to the last farthing of the demand, they did both positively refuse to pay any part of the pretended balances aforesaid, until their landed estates were restored to them; on the security of which alone they alleged themselves to be in a condition to borrow any money, or even to provide for the subsistence of themselves and their numerous dependants. And in order to put some end to these differences, the Vizier did himself, about the beginning of August, 1783, go to Fyzabad, and did hold divers conferences with his parents, and did consent and engage to restore to them their landed estates aforesaid, and did issue an order that they should be restored accordingly; but his minister aforesaid, having before his eyes the peremptory orders of him, the said Warren Hastings, did persuade his master to dishonor himself in breaking his faith and engagement with his mother and the mother of his father, by first evading the execution, and afterwards totally revoking his said public and solemn act, on pretence that he had agreed to the grant “from shame, being in their presence [the presence of his mother and grandmother], and that it was unavoidable at the time”; — the said minister declaring to him, that it would be sufficient, if he allowed them “money for their necessary expenses, and that would be doing enough.”

  LXXI. That the faith given for the restoration of their landed estates being thus violated, and the money for necessary expenses being as ill supplied as before, the women and children of the late sovereign, father of the reigning prince, continued exposed to frequent want of the common necessaries of life; and being sorely pressed by famine, they were compelled to break through all the principles of local decorum and reserve which constitute the dignity of the female sex in that part of the world, and, after great clamor and violent attempts for one whole day to break the inclosure of the palace, and to force their way into the public market, in order to move the compassion of the people, and to beg their bread, they did, on the next day, actually proceed to the extremity of exposing themselves to public view, — an extremity implying the lowest state of disgrace and degradation, to avoid which many women in India have laid violent hands upon themselves, — and they did proceed to the public market-place with the starving children of the late sovereign, and the brothers and sisters of the reigning prince! A minute account of the transaction aforesaid was written to the British Resident at Lucknow by the person appointed to convey intelligence to him from Fyzabad, in the following particulars, highly disgraceful to the honor, justice, and humanity of this nation.

  LXXII. “The ladies, their attendants and servants, were still as clamorous as last night. Letafit, the darogah, went to them and remonstrated with them on the impropriety of their conduct, at the same time assuring them that in a few days all their allowances would be paid, and should not that be the case, he would advance them ten days’ subsistence, upon condition that they returned to their habitation. None of them, however, consented to his proposals, but were still intent upon making their escape through the bazar [market-place], and in consequence formed themselves into a line, arranging themselves in the following order: the children in the front; behind them the ladies of the seraglio; and behind them again their attendants: but their intentions were frustrated by the opposition which they met from Letafit’s sepoys.

  LXXIII. “The next day Letafit went twice to the women, and used his endeavors to make them return into the zenanah, promising to advance them ten thousand rupees; which, upon the money being paid down, they agreed to comply with: but night coming on, nothing transpired.

  LXXIV. “On the day following their clamors were more violent than usual. Letafit went to confer with them, upon the business of yesterday; offering the same terms. Depending upon the fidelity of his promises, they consented to return to their apartments, which they accordingly did, except two or three of the ladies, and most of their attendants. Letafit then went to Hossmund Ali Khân, to consult with him upon what means they should take. They came to a resolution of driving them in by force, and gave orders to their sepoys to beat any one of the women who should attempt to move forward. The sepoys consequently assembled; and each one being provided with a bludgeon, they drove them by dint of beating into the zenanah. The women, seeing the treachery of Letafit, proceeded to throw stones and bricks at the sepoys, and again attempted to get out; but finding that impossible, from the gates being shut, they kept up a continual discharge of stones and bricks till about ten, when, finding their situation desperate, they retired into the Kung Mohul, and forced their way from thence into the palace, and dispersed themselves about the house and garden; after this they were desirous of getting into the Begum’s apartment, but she, being apprised of their intention, ordered her doors to be shut. In the mean time Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khân posted sentries to secure the gates of the lesser Mohul. During the whole of this conflict, all the ladies and women remained exposed to the view of the sepoys. The Begum then sent for Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khân, whom she severely reprimanded, and insisted upon knowing the causes of this infamous behavior. They pleaded in their defence the impossibility of helping it, as the treatment the women had met with had been conformable to his Excellency the Vizier’s orders. The Begum alleged, that, even admitting that the Nabob had given those orders, they were by no means authorized in this manner to disgrace the family of Sujah Dowlah; and should they not receive their allowance for a day or two, it could be of no great moment: what was passed was now at an end; but that the Vizier should certainly be acquainted with the whole of the affair, and that whatever he desired she should implicitly comply with. The Begum then sent for five of the children, who were wounded in the affray of last night, and, after endeavoring to soothe them, she sent again for Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khân, and in the presence of the children expressed her disapprobation of their conduct, and the improbability of Asoph ul Dowlah’s suffering the ladies and children of Sujah Dowlah to be disgraced by being exposed to the view of the rabble. Upon which Letafit produced the letter from the Nabob, at the same time representing that he was amenable only to the orders of his Excellency, and that whatever he ordered it was his duty to obey, and that, had the ladies thought proper to have retired into their apartments quietly, he would not have used the means he had taken to compel them. The Begum again observed, that what had happened was now over. She then gave the children four hundred rupees, and dismissed them, and sent word by Jumrud and the other eunuchs, that, if the ladies would peaceably retire to their apartments, Letafit would supply them with three or four thousand rupees for their personal expenses, and recommended to them not to incur any further disgrace, and that, if they did not think proper to act agreeable to her directions, they would do wrong. The ladies followed her advice, and about ten at night went back into the zenanah. The nest morning the Begum waited upon the mother of Sujah Dowlah, and related to her all the circumstances of the disturbances. The mother of Sujah Dowlah returned for answer, that, after there being no accounts kept of crores of revenues, she was not surprised that the family of Sujah Dowlah, in their endeavors to procure a subsistence, should be obliged to expose themselves to the meanest of the people. After bewailing their misfortunes, and shedding many tears, the Begum took her leave, and returned home.”

  That the said affecting narrative being sent, with others of the same nature, on the 29th of January, 1784, to the said Warren Hastings, he did not order any relief in consequence thereof, or take any sort of notice whatsoever of the said intelligence.

  LXXV. That the Court of Directors did express strong doubts of the propriety of seizing the estates aforesaid, and did declare to him, the said Hastings, “that the only consolation they felt on the occasion is, that the amount of those jaghires for which the Company were guaranties is to be paid through our Resident at the court of
the Vizier; and it very materially concerns the credit of your Governor on no account to suffer such payments to be evaded.” But the said Warren Hastings did never make the arrangement supposed in the said letter to be actually made, nor did he cause the Resident to pay them the amount of their jaghires, or to make any payment to them.

  And the said Hastings being expressly ordered by the Court of Directors to restore to them their estates, in case the charges made upon them should not be found true, he, the said Hastings, did contumaciously and cruelly decline any compliance with the said orders until his journey to Lucknow, in —— , when he did, as he says, “conformably to the orders of the Court of Directors, and more to the inclination of the Nabob Vizier, restore to them their jaghires, but with the defalcation, according to his own account, of a large portion of their respective shares”: pretending, without the least probability, that the said defalcation was a “voluntary concession on their part.” But what he has left to them for their support, or in what proportion to that which he has taken away, he has nowhere stated to the Court of Directors, whose faith he has broken, and whose orders he has thus eluded, whilst he pretended to yield some obedience to them.

  LXXVI. That the said Warren Hastings having made a malicious, loose, and ill-supported charge, backed by certain unsatisfactory affidavits, as a ground for his seizing on the jaghires and the treasures of the Vizier’s mother, solemnly guarantied to them, the Court of Directors did, in their letter of the 14th of February, 1783, express themselves as follows concerning that measure,— “which the Governor-General, [he, the said Warren Hastings,] in his letter to your board, the 23d of January, 1782, has declared he strenuously encouraged and supported: we hope and trust, for the honor of the British nation, that the measure appeared fully justified in the eyes of all Hindostan. The Governor-General has informed us that it can be well attested that the Begums [the mother and grandmother of the Nabob aforesaid] principally excited and supported the late commotions, and that they carried their inveteracy to the English nation so far as to aim at our utter extirpation.” And the Court of Directors did farther declare as follows: “That it nowhere appears from the papers at present in our possession, that they [the mother and grandmother of the Nabob of Oude] excited any commotions previous to the imprisonment of Rajah Cheyt Sing, and only armed themselves in consequence of that transaction; and, as it is probable, that such a conduct proceeded from motives of self-defence, under an apprehension that they themselves might likewise be laid under unwarrantable contributions.” And the said Court of Directors, in giving their orders for the restoration of the jaghires, or for the payment of an equivalent through the Resident, did give this order for the restoration of their estates as aforesaid on condition that it should appear from inquiry that they were not guilty of the practices charged upon them by the said Hastings. Mr. Stables, one of the Council-General, did, in execution of the said conditional order, propose an inquiry leading to the ascertainment of the condition, and did enter a minute as follows: “That the Court of Directors, by their letters of the 14th of February, 1783, seem not to be satisfied that the disaffection of the Begums to this government is sufficiently proved by the evidence before them; I therefore think that the late and present Resident, and commanding officer in the Vizier’s country at the time, should be called on to collect what further information they can on this subject, in which the honor and dignity of this government is so materially concerned, and that such information may be transmitted to the Court of Directors.” And he did further propose heads and modes of inquiry suitable to the doubts expressed by the Court of Directors. But the said Warren Hastings, who ought long before, on principles of natural justice, to have instituted a diligent inquiry in support of his so improbable a charge, and was bound, even for his own honor, as well as for the satisfaction of the Court of Directors, to take a strong part in the said inquiry, did set himself in opposition to the same, and did carry with him a majority of Council against the said inquiry into the justice of the cause, or any proposition for the relief of the sufferers: asserting, “that the reasons of the Court of Directors, if transmitted with the orders for the inquiry, will prove in effect an order for collecting evidence to the justification and acquittal of the Begums, and not for the investigation of the truth of the charges which have been preferred against them.” That Mr. Stables did not propose (as in the said Hastings’s minute is groundlessly supposed) that the reasons of the Court of Directors should be transmitted with the orders for an inquiry. But the apprehension of the said Warren Hastings of the probable result of the inquiry proposed did strongly indicate his sense of his own guilt and the innocence of the parties accused by him; and if, by his construction, Mr. Stables’s minute did indicate an inquiry merely for the justification of the parties by him accused, (which construction the motion did not bear,) it was no more than what the obvious rules of justice would well support, his own proceedings having been ex parte, — he having employed Sir Elijah Impey to take affidavits against the women of high rank aforesaid, not only without any inquiry made on their part, but without any communication to them of his practice and proceeding against them; and equity did at least require that they, with his own knowledge and by the subordinates of his own government, should be allowed a public inquiry to acquit themselves of the heavy offences with which they had been by him clandestinely charged.

  LXXVII. That he, the said Hastings, in order to effectually stifle the said inquiry, did enter on record a further minute, asserting that the said inquiry would be productive “of evils greater than any which exist in the consequences which have already taken place, and which time has almost obliterated”; as also the following: “If I am rightly informed, the Nabob Vizier and the Begums are on terms of mutual goodwill. It would ill become this government to interpose its influence by any act which might tend to revive their animosities, — and a very slight occasion would be sufficient to effect it. They will instantly take fire on such a declaration, proclaim the judgment of the Company in their favor, demand a reparation of the acts which they will construe wrongs with such a sentence warranting that construction, and either accept the invitation to the proclaimed scandal of the Nabob Vizier, which will not add to the credit of our government, or remain in his dominions, but not under his authority, to add to his vexations and the disorders of the country by continual intrigues and seditions. Enough already exists to affect his peace and the quiet of his people. If we cannot heal, let us not inflame the wounds which have been inflicted.”— “If the Begums think themselves aggrieved to such a degree as to justify them in an appeal to a foreign jurisdiction, to appeal to it against a man standing in the relation of son and grandson to them, to appeal to the justice of those who have been the abettors and instruments of their imputed wrongs, let us at least permit them to be the judges of their own feelings, and prefer their complaints before we offer to redress them. They will not need to be prompted. I hope I shall not depart from the simplicity of official language in saying, the majesty of justice ought to be approached with solicitation, not descend to provoke or invite it, much less to debase itself by the suggestion of wrongs and the promise of redress, with the denunciation of punishments before trial, and even before accusation.”