Complete Works of Edmund Burke

by Edmund Burke

  (Signed at the end)

  “CLIVE.

  WM B. SUMNER.

  JOHN CARNAC.

  H. VERELST.

  FRAS SYKES.”

  This paper cannot be denied to be a paper of weight and authenticity, because it is signed by a gentleman now in this House, who sits on one side of the gentleman at your bar, as his bail. This grievance, therefore, so authenticated, so great, and described in so many circumstances, I think it might be sufficient for me, in this part of the business, to show was, when Mr. Hastings was sent to India, a prevalent evil.

  But, my Lords, it is necessary that I should show to you something more, because, prima fronte, this is some exculpation of Mr. Hastings: for, if he was only a partaker in a general misconduct, it was rather vitium loci et vitium temporis than vitium hominis. This might be said in his exculpation. But I am next to show your Lordships the means which the Company took for removing this grievance; and that Mr. Hastings’s peculiar trust, the great specific ground of his appointment, was a confidence that he would eradicate this very evil, of which we are going to prove that he has been one of the principal promoters. I wish your Lordships to advert to one particular circumstance, — namely, that the two persons who were bidders at this time, and at this auction of government, for the favor and countenance of the Presidency at Calcutta, were Mahomed Reza Khân and Rajah Nundcomar. I wish your Lordships to recollect this by-and-by, when we shall bring before you the very same two persons, who, in the same sort of transaction, and in circumstances exactly similar, or very nearly so, were candidates for the favor of Mr. Hastings.

  My Lords, our next step will be to show you that the Company in 1768 had made a covenant expressly forbidding the taking of presents of above 400l. value in each present by the Governor-General. I take it for granted, this will not be much litigated. They renewed and enforced that with other covenants and other instructions; and at last came an act of Parliament, in the clearest, the most definite, the most specific words that all the wisdom of the legislature, intent upon the eradication of this evil, could use, to prevent the receiving of presents.

  My Lords, I think it is necessary to state, that there has been some little difficulty concerning this word, presents. Bribery and extortion have been covered by the name of presents, and the authority and practice of the East has been adduced as a palliation of the crime. My Lords, no authority of the East will be a palliation of the breach of laws enacted in the West: and to those laws of the West, and not the vicious customs of the East, we insist upon making Mr. Hastings liable. But do not your Lordships see that this is an entire mistake? that there never was any custom of the East for it? I do not mean vicious practices and customs, which it is the business of good laws and good customs to eradicate. There are three species of presents known in the East, — two of them payments of money known to be legal, and the other perfectly illegal, and which has a name exactly expressing it in the manner our language does. It is necessary that your Lordships should see that Mr. Hastings has made use of a perversion of the names of authorized gifts to cover the most abominable and prostituted bribery. The first of those presents is known in the country by the name of peshcush: this peshcush is a fine paid, upon the grant of lands, to the sovereign, or whoever grants them. The second is the nuzzer, or nuzzerana, which is a tribute of acknowledgment from an inferior to a superior. The last is called reshwat, in the Persian language, — that is to say, a bribe, or sum of money clandestinely and corruptly taken, — and is as much distinguished from the others as, in the English language, a fine or acknowledgment is distinguished from a bribe. To show your Lordships this, we shall give in evidence, that, whenever a peshcush or fine is paid, it is a sum of money publicly paid, and paid in proportion to the grant, — and that the sum is entered upon the very grant itself. We shall prove the nuzzer is in the same manner entered, and that all legal fees are indorsed upon the body of the grant for which they are taken: and that they are no more in the East than in the West any kind of color or pretence for corrupt acts, which are known by the circumstance of their being clandestinely taken, and which are acknowledged and confessed to be illegal and corrupt. Having stated that Mr. Hastings, in some of the evidence that we shall produce, endeavors to confound these three things, I am only to remark that the nuzzer is generally a very small sum of money, that it sometimes amounts to one gold mohur, that sometimes it is less, and that, in all the records of the Company, I have never known it exceed one gold mohur, or about thirty-five shillings, — passing by the fifty gold mohurs which were given to Mr. Hastings by Cheyt Sing, and a hundred gold mohurs which were given to the Mogul, as a nuzzer, by Mahomed Ali, Nabob of Arcot.

  The Company, seeing that this nuzzer, though small in each sum, might amount at last to a large tax upon the country, (and it did so in fact,) thought proper to prohibit any sum of money to be taken upon any pretext whatever; and the Company in the year 1775 did expressly explode the whole doctrine of peshcush, nuzzer, and every other private lucrative emolument, under whatever name, to be taken by the Governor-General, and did expressly send out an order that that was the construction of the act, and that he was not even to take a nuzzer. Thus we shall show that that act had totally cut up the whole system of bribery and corruption, and that Mr. Hastings had no sort of color whatever for taking the money which we shall prove he has taken.

  I know that positive prohibitions, that acts of Parliament, that covenants, are things of very little validity indeed, as long as all the means of corruption are left in power, and all the temptations to corrupt profit are left in poverty. I should really think that the Company deserved to be ill served, if they had not annexed such appointments to great trusts as might secure the persons intrusted from the temptations of unlawful emolument, and, what in all cases is the greatest security, given a lawful gratification to the natural passions of men. Matrimony is to be used, as a true remedy against a vicious course of profligate manners; fair and lawful emoluments, and the just profits of office, are opposed to the unlawful means which might be made use of to supply them. For, in truth, I am ready to agree, that for any man to expect a series of sacrifices without a return in blessings, to expect labor without a prospect of reward, and fatigue without any means of securing rest, is an unreasonable demand in any human creature from another. Those who trust that they shall find in men uncommon and heroic virtues are themselves endeavoring to have nothing paid them but the common returns of the worst parts of human infirmity. And therefore I shall show your Lordships that the Company did provide large, ample, abundant means for supporting the Governor-General, — that Lord Clive, in the year 1765, and the Council with him, of which Mr. Sumner, I am glad and proud to say, was one, did fix such an allowance as they thought a sufficient security to the Governor-General against the temptations attendant upon his situation; and therefore, after they had fixed this sum, they say, “that, although by this means the Governor will not be able to amass a million or half a million in the space of two or three years, yet he will acquire a very handsome independency, and be in that very situation which a man of honor and true zeal for the service would wish to possess. Thus situated, he may defy all opposition in Council; he will have nothing to ask, nothing to propose, but what he wishes for the advantage of his employers; he may defy the law, because there can be no foundation for a bill of discovery; and he may defy the obloquy of the world, because there can be nothing censurable in his conduct. In short, if stability can be insured to such a government as this, where riches have been acquired in abundance in a small space of time, by all ways and means, and by men with or without capacities, it must be effected by a Governor thus restricted,” — that is, a Governor restricted from every emolument but that of his salary. I must remark, that this salary and these emoluments were not settled upon the vague speculations of men taking the measure of their necessities for India from the manners of England; but it was fixed by the Council themselves, — fixed in India, — fixed by those who knew and were in t
he situation of the Governor-General, and who knew what was necessary to support his dignity and to preserve him from the temptation of corruption: and they have laid open to you such a body of advantages arising from it as would lead any man, who had a regard to his honor or conscience, to think himself happy in having such a provision made for him, and at the same time every temptation to act corruptly removed far from him.

  The emoluments of the office, though reduced from the original plan which Lord Clive had proposed, may be computed at near 30,000l. a year, when Mr. Hastings was President: 22,000l. in certain money, and the rest in other advantages. Whatever it was, I have shown that it was thought sufficient by those who were the best judges, and who, in carving for others, were carving for themselves their own allowance at the time. But, my Lords, I am to give a better opinion of the sufficiency of that provision to guard against the temptation, out of Mr. Hastings’s own mouth. He says, in his letter to the Court of Directors, “Although I disclaim the consideration of my own interest in these speculations, and flatter myself that I proceed upon more liberal grounds, yet I am proud to avow the feelings of an honest ambition that stimulates me to aspire at the possession of my present station for years to come. Those who know my natural turn of mind will not ascribe this to sordid views. A very few years’ possession of the government would undoubtedly enable me to retire with a fortune amply fitted to the measure of my desires, were I to consult only my ease: but in my present situation I feel my mind expand to something greater; I have catched the desire of applause in public life.”

  Here Mr. Hastings confesses that the emoluments affixed to office were not only sufficient for the purposes and ends which the nature of his office demanded, and the support of present dignity, but that they were sufficient to secure him, in a very few years, a comfortable retreat; but his object in wishing to hold his office long was to catch applause in public life. What an unfortunate man is he, who has so often told us, in so many places, and through so many mouths, that, after fourteen years’ possession of an office which was to make him a comfortable fortune in a few years, he is at length bankrupt in fortune, and for his applause in public life is now at your Lordships’ bar, and his accuser is his country! This, my Lords, is to be unfortunate: but there are some misfortunes that never do or ever can arrive but through crimes. He was a deserter from the path of honor. At the turning of the two ways he made a glorious choice, — he caught at the applause of ambition: which though I am ready to consent is not virtue, yet surely a generous ambition for applause for public services in life is one of the best counterfeits of virtue, and supplies its place in some degree; and it adds a lustre to real virtue, where it exists as the substratum of it. Human nature, while it is made as it is, never can wholly repudiate it for its imperfection, because there is something yet more perfect. But what shall we say to the deserter of that cause, who, having glory and honor before him, has chosen to plunge himself into the downward road to sordid riches?

  My Lords, I have shown the grievances that existed. I have shown the means that existed to put Mr. Hastings beyond a temptation to those practices of which we accuse him, even in his own opinion, — if he will not follow his example in the House of Commons, and disavow this letter, as he has done his defence before them, and say he never wrote it. That situation which was to afford him a comfortable fortune in a few years he has held for many years, and therefore he has not one excuse to make for himself; but I shall show your Lordships much greater and stronger proofs, that will lean heavy upon him in the day of your sentence. The first, the peculiar, trust that was put in him, was to redress all those grievances.

  My Lords, I have stated to you the condition of India in 1765. You may suppose that the means that were taken, the regulations that were made by the Company at that period of time, had operated their effect, and that by the beginning of the year 1772, when Mr. Hastings came first to his government, these evils did not then require, perhaps, so vigorous an example, or so much diligence in putting an end to them; but, my Lords, I have to show you a very melancholy truth, that, notwithstanding all these means, the Company was of opinion that all these disorders had increased, and accordingly they say, without entering into all the grievous circumstances of this letter, which was wrote on the 10th of April, 1773, “We wish we could refute the observation, that almost every attempt made by us and our administration at your Presidency for reforming abuses has rather increased them, and added to the misery of a country we are so anxious to protect and cherish.” They say, that, “when oppression pervades the whole country, when youths have been suffered with impunity to exercise sovereign jurisdiction over the natives, and to acquire rapid fortunes by monopolizing of commerce, it cannot be a wonder to us or yourselves that Dadney merchants do not come forward to contract with the Company, that the manufactures find their way through foreign channels, or that our investments are at once enormously dear and of a debased quality. It is evident, then, that the evils which have been so destructive to us lie too deep for any partial plans to reach or correct; it is therefore our resolution to aim at the root of those evils, and we are happy in having reason to believe that in every just and necessary regulation we shall meet with the approbation and support of the legislature, who consider the public as materially interested in the Company’s prosperity.”

  This is to show your Lordships that Mr. Hastings was armed with great powers to correct great abuses, and that there was reposed in him a special trust for that purpose. And now I shall show, by the twenty-fifth paragraph of the same letter, that they intrusted Mr. Hastings with this very great power from some particular hope they had, not only of his abstaining himself, which is a thing taken for granted, but of his restraining abuses through every part of the service; and therefore they say, “that, in order to effectuate this great end, the first step must be to restore perfect obedience and due subordination to your administration. Our Governor and Council must reassume and exercise their delegated powers upon every just occasion, — punish delinquents, cherish the meritorious, discountenance that luxury and dissipation which, to the reproach of government, prevailed in Bengal. Our President, Mr. Hastings, we trust, will set the example of temperance, economy, and application; and upon this, we are sensible, much will depend. And here we take occasion to indulge the pleasure we have in acknowledging Mr. Hastings’s services upon the coast of Coromandel, in constructing with equal labor and ability the plan which has so much improved our investments there; and as we are persuaded he will persevere in the same laudable pursuit through every branch of our affairs in Bengal, he, in return, may depend on the steady support and favor of his employers.” Here are not only laws to restrain abuse, here are not only salaries to prevent the temptation to it, but here are praises to animate and encourage him, here is what very few men, even bad in other respects, have resisted, — here is a great trust put in him, to call upon him with particular vigor and exertion to prevent all abuses through the settlement, and particularly these abuses of corruption. Much trust is put in his frugality, his order, his management of his private affairs; and from thence they hope that he would not ruin his own fortune, but improve it by honorable means, and teach the Company’s servants the same order and management, in order to free them from temptation to rapacity in their own particular situations. There have been known to be men, otherwise corrupt and vicious, who, when great trust was put in them, have called forth principles of honor latent in their minds; and men who were nursed, in a manner, in corruption have been not only great reformers by institution, but greater reformers by the example of their own conduct. Then I am to show, that, soon after his coming to that government, there were means given him instantly of realizing those hopes and expectations, by putting into his hands several arduous and several difficult commissions.

  My Lords, in the year 1772 the Company had received alarming advices of many disorders throughout the country: there were likewise, at the same time, circumstances in the state of the government upon whic
h they thought it necessary to make new regulations. The famine which prevailed in and devastated Bengal, and the ill use that was made of that calamity to aggravate the distress for the advantage of individuals, produced a great many complaints, some true, some exaggerated, but universally spread, as I believe is in the memory of those who are not very young among us. This obliged the Company to a very serious consideration of an affair which dishonored and disgraced their government, not only at home, but through all the countries in Europe, much more than perhaps even more grievous and real oppressions that were exercised under them. It had alarmed their feelings, it had been marked, and had called the attention of the public upon them in an eminent manner.

  Your Lordships remember the death of Jaffier Ali Khân, the first of those subahs who introduced the English power into Bengal. He died about four or five years before this period. He was succeeded by two of his sons, who succeeded to one another in a very rapid succession. The first was the person of whom we have read an account to you. He was the natural son of the Nabob by a person called Munny Begum, who, for the corrupt gifts the circumstances of which we have recited, had, in prejudice of the lawful issue of the Nabob, been raised to the musnud; but as bastard slips, it is said in King Richard, (an abuse of a Scripture phrase,) do not take deep root, this bastard slip, Nujim ul Dowlah, shortly died, and the legitimate son, Syef ul Dowlah, succeeded him. After him another legitimate son, Mobarek ul Dowlah, succeeded in a minority. When I say succeeded, I wish your Lordships to understand that there is no regular succession in the office of subah or viceroy of the kingdom; but, in general, succession has been considered, and persons have been put in that place upon some principles resembling a regular succession. That regular succession had been broken in favor of a natural son, and the mother of that natural son did obtain the superiority in the female part of the family for a time.