by Henry Kamen
39. Simon Barton, “Traitors to the Faith? Christian Mercenaries in al-Andalus and the Maghreb, c. 1100–1300,” in Collins and Goodman.
40. Monter 1990, p. 24.
41. M. A. Fernández García, Inquisición, comportamiento y mentalidad en el reino de Granada (1600–1700), Granada, 1989, p. 110, 246.
42. Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, trans. John Tedeschi and Anne Tedeschi, Baltimore, 1992, p. 49.
43. The principal argument in the study by Stuart B. Schwartz (see bibliography) is that the attitudes showed liberality and toleration.
44. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 37. The “cope” is a vestment worn by the priest when saying mass.
45. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 58.
46. Cited by Janusz Tazbir, A State without Stakes: Polish Religious Toleration in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Warsaw, 1973, p. 35.
47. I develop this point in “Toleration and the Law in the West, 1500–1700,” Ratio Juris 10, 1 (Mar. 1997), pp. 36–44.
48. AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 172.
49. Alonso Virués, Philippicae disputationes, Antwerp, 1542, p. 157.
50. Luis de Granada, Introduction del symbolo de la fe, Barcelona, 1597, part IV, trat. 1, p. 493.
51. Mariana, book 26, chap. 13.
52. Alfonso de Castro, De iuxta haereticorum punitione libri tres, Venice, 1549, book II, chap. 14, 202. The book was first published at Salamanca in 1547. For the context of tolerant attitudes in Spain, see Kamen, “Toleration and Dissent,” pp. 3–23.
53. John Edwards, “Religious Faith and Doubt in Late Medieval Spain: Soria c. 1480–1500,” P&P 120 (1988).
54. Lucien Febvre, Le problème de l’incroyance au XVIe siècle. La religion de Rabelais, Paris, 1947. Some later scholars found the parameters of Febvre’s discussion too narrow and preferred a wide-ranging definition of “atheism,” as in Michael Hunter and David Wootton, eds., Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, Oxford, 1992.
55. Schwartz, p. 7.
CHAPTER TWO. THE GREAT DISPERSION
Epigraph. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 153.
1. “La Biblia de Mosé Arragel de Guadalfajara,” cited in Castro, p. 489.
2. Cf. Angus Mackay, “The Jews in Spain during the Middle Ages,” in Kedourie, p. 33.
3. Mackay, in Kedourie, p. 34.
4. See chapter 1 above for comments about the inappropriateness of the concept “convivencia” for inter-community relations in medieval Spain.
5. Jonathan Ray, “Beyond Tolerance and Persecution: Reassessing Our Approach to Medieval Convivencia,” Jewish Social Studies 11, 2 (Winter 2005).
6. Neuman, II, 184.
7. Cited by Pilar Pérez Viñuales in Destierros aragoneses, p. 131.
8. Jonathan Ray, The Sephardic Frontier: The Reconquista and the Jewish Community in Medieval Iberia, Ithaca, 2006, p. 152.
9. Baer, II, 95–134; P. Wolff, “The 1391 Pogrom in Spain: Social Crisis or Not?” P&P 50 (1971); A. Mackay, “Popular Movements and Pogroms in 15th-Century Castile,” P&P 55 (1972).
10. Cited in Roth, p. 34.
11. Cited in Gutwirth, “Towards expulsion: 1391–1492,” in Kedourie, p. 54.
12. I here accept, in part, Roth, pp. 34–35.
13. Some writers equate the word with “pig,” but this is etymologically undocumented. By contrast there are several examples of the word being used to refer to one who “mars,” i.e., spoils, the Christian faith. Thus Carrete Parrondo in Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 53, cites a converso of 1497 saying: “Bien me llaman a mí marrano, pues que marré en volverme de la buena ley a la mala.”
14. Cf. David Romano, “Rasgos de la minoría judía en la Corona de Aragón,” in Xudeus e Conversos, II, 229–30.
15. Neuman, II, 217; Castro, pp. 491–6; Caro Baroja, II, 162–90.
16. M. A. González and P. de Forteza, “Los médicos madrileños a fines del siglo XV,” Torre de los Lujanes 31 (1996), p. 225.
17. Monsalvo Antón, pp. 70–84.
18. Castro, p. 499.
19. Neuman, II, 187.
20. M. A. Ladero Quesada, “Los judíos en el arrendamiento de impuestos,” Cuadernos de historia, anexos de Hispania 6 (1975).
21. Carlos Alvarez García, “Los judíos y la hacienda real bajo el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” in Tres culturas, p. 88.
22. This is the argument followed by Baer.
23. Mark D. Meyerson, A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain, Princeton, 2004, pp. 30–31. The town, known as Murviedro in Castilian and Morvedre in Valencian, changed its name officially to Sagunto in the later nineteenth century.
24. Bernáldez, chap. 43, p. 98.
25. Asunción Blasco, “Los judíos en Aragón durante la baja Edad Media,” in Destierros aragoneses, p. 57.
26. Pilar León Tello, Judíos de Toledo, 2 vols. Madrid, 1979, II, 549–607.
27. F. Cantera Burgos and C. Carrete Parrondo, “La judería de Buitrago,” Sefarad 32 (1972).
28. F. Cantera Burgos and C. Carrete Parrondo, “La judería de Hita,” Sefarad 32 (1972).
29. A. A. Bel Bravo, Los Reyes Católicos y los judíos andaluces (1474–1492), Granada, 1989, p. 128.
30. David Romano, “Judíos hispánicos y mundo rural,” Sefarad 51 (1991), p. 364.
31. J. Cabezudo Astraín, “La judería de Sos del Rey Católico,” Sefarad 32 (1972).
32. P. León Tello, “La judería de Avila durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” Sefarad 23 (1963).
33. M. F. Ladero Quesada, “Judíos y cristianos en la Zamora bajomedieval,” in Proyección histórica de España en sus tres culturas, Valladolid, 1993, I, 159–64.
34. Roth, p. 66.
35. For arguments against a decline, see E. Gutwirth, in Kedourie, pp. 54–68.
36. M. A. Motis Dolader, “La expulsión de los judíos aragoneses,” in Destierros aragoneses, p. 84.
37. Carlos Alvarez García, “Los judíos y la hacienda real bajo el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” in Tres culturas, pp. 94–95.
38. Baer, II, 70–243.
39. Riera Sans, pp. 76–77.
40. Riera Sans, p. 77.
41. Cited in Roth, p. 66.
42. E. Cantera Montenegro, “El apartamento de judíos y mudéjares en las diócesis de Osma y Sigüenza a fines del siglo XV,” AEM 17 (1987).
43. Carlos Barros, “La tolerancia hacia los judíos en la Edad Media gallega,” in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 103.
44. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” pp. 394–95.
45. Riera Sans, p. 79.
46. A possible total of seventy people, since not every taxpayer represented a full family.
47. Sources cited in J. Valdeón, “Motivaciones socioeconómicas de las fricciones entre viejocristianos, judíos y conversos,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 75.
48. Suárez Fernández, p. 16.
49. Suárez Fernández, p. 15.
50. Suárez Fernández, p. 33.
51. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” p. 397.
52. Cf. the details in Monsalvo Antón, pp. 148–80.
53. Cited by Angeles Navarro, “La literatura y pensamiento de los hispanohebreos en el siglo XV,” in La expulsión de los judíos de España. II Curso de Cultura hispano-judía y sefardí, Toledo, 1993, p. 57.
54. Cited by Valdeón, p. 76, in Alcalá 1995.
55. Cf. Roth, pp. 74–78. Also Kriegel, in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 185: “la plus grosse partie de la documentation témoigne indiscutablement d’une solidarité des Juifs avec les conversos.”
56. “The majority of Jews had no love for the conversos:” Roth, p. 215.
57. E. Marín, “Inventario de bienes muebles de judíos en 1492,” Sefarad 48 (1988), n. 65.
58. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 77. The statement is of 1502.
59. Cited in Roth, p. 241.
60. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 23.
61. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 198.
>
62. Cited in Roth, p. 214.
63. D’Abrera, pp. 62–65.
64. Fidel Fita, “Nuevos datos para escribir la historia de los judíos españoles: La Inquisición en Jérez de la Frontera,” BRAH 15 (1889).
65. Roth, pp. 283–84.
66. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” p. 405.
67. Suárez Fernández, p. 41.
68. For England, see the excellent study by Robin R. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution: Experiment and Expulsion, 1262–1290, Cambridge, 1998.
69. Suárez Fernández, p. 20.
70. W. H. Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, 3rd edn., London, 1841, p. 269, n. 1.
71. J. Meseguer Fernández, “La Inquisición en Granada,” in Nueva visión, p. 386.
72. Stephen Haliczer, “The Castilian Urban Patriciate and the Jewish Expulsions of 1480–92,” AHR 78 (Feb. 1973).
73. Cf. Maurice Kriegel, “La prise d’une décision: L’expulsion des juifs d’Espagne en 1492,” RH 260 (1978).
74. The text of the original decree of expulsion, from which these quotations are taken, has never been definitively established, and different scholars give different readings. See the short discussion by Carlos Carrete Parrondo, “Reflexiones sobre el decreto de expulsión”, in La expulsión de los judíos, pp. 111–17.
75. Netanyahu 1968, pp. 54–56.
76. Printed in R. Conde, La expulsión de los judíos de la Corona de Aragón, Saragossa, 1991, doc. 1; also in Alcalá 1995, p.,129.
77. León Tello, Judíos de Toledo, I, 347.
78. Motis Dolader, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 105.
79. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 137.
80. I adopt the form used by Roth, p. 80. The sources refer to Seneor as chief “rab” or “rabbi,” but he was obviously a political rather than a religious figure.
81. Fidel Fita, “La verdad sobre el martirio del Santo Niño de La Guardia,” BRAH 11 (1887); H. C. Lea, “El Santo Niño de La Guardia,” in his Chapters from the Religious History of Spain, Philadelphia, 1890, pp. 437–68; Baer, II, 398–423.
82. Danièle Iancu, Les juifs de Provence, 1475–1501: De l’insertion à l’expulsion, Aix, 1986; Shlomo Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, 2 vols., Jerusalem, 1982, I, xxiv.
83. Bernard Dov Weinryb, The Jews of Poland: A Social and Economic History of the Jewish Community in Poland from 1100 to 1800, Philadelphia, 1972.
84. Yitzhak Baer, Die Juden im christlichen Spanien (Urkunden und Regesten II), Berlin, 1936, pp. 411–13.
85. Motis Dolader, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 111.
86. Cited by Maurice Kriegel, “El edicto de expulsión: motivos, fines, contexto,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 142.
87. The theme of Jewish providentialism has attracted a multitude of learned commentaries, but is marginal to the theme of this chapter. An article with useful references is Claude B. Stuczynski, “Providentialism in Early Modern Catholic Iberia: Competing Influences of Hebrew Political Traditions,” Hebraic Political Studies 3, 4 (Fall 2008), pp. 377–95.
88. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Movimientos mesiánicos en las juderías de Castilla,” in Tres culturas, p. 68; J. N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516, vol.II, 1410–1516, Oxford, 1978, pp. 419, 451.
89. Alain Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, Valladolid, 1983, p. 305.
90. Mariana, book 26, chap. 1.
91. Raphael, p. 53.
92. Henry Kamen, “The Mediterranean and the Expulsion of Spanish Jews in 1492,” P&P 119 (May 1988), pp. 34–45; M. A. Ladero Quesada, “Las juderías de Castilla según algunos ‘servicios’ fiscales,” Sefarad 31 (1971).
93. Riera Sans, p. 78.
94. Kamen, “The Mediterranean,” p. 37, suggests ten thousand. Riera Sans suggests a total of some nine thousand.
95. José Hinojosa Montalvo, “La demografía de la aljama judía de Sagunto,” Sefarad 55 (1995), p. 274. On the name Sagunto, see note 23 of this chapter.
96. Bernáldez, chaps. 110, 112.
97. Solomon Ibn Verga, in Raphael, p. 97.
98. Joseph Ha Cohen and Rabbi Capsali, in Raphael, pp. 17, 106.
99. For Aragon, A. Blasco, “Los judíos del reino de Aragón. Balance de los estudios,” Actes del primer col. loqui d’història dels jueus a la Corona d’Aragó, Lleida, 1991.
100. C. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 35.
101. Cf. Motis Dolader, “Las comunidades judías en la corona de Aragón,” in Alcalá 1995, pp. 32–54.
102. Raphael, p. 120.
103. Zeldes, passim. For the Jews of Sicily, see also Shlomo Simonsohn, The Jews of Sicily, 3 vols., Leiden, 1997–2001.
104. Zeldes, p. 24.
105. Francesca Trivellato, The Familiarity of Strangers: The Sephardic Diaspora, Livorno, and Cross-Cultural Trade in the Early Modern Period, New Haven, 2009, p. 5.
106. Rabbi Capsali, for instance (Raphael, p. 18), does not list Turkey as one of the immediate destinations of the exiles. Only later, he says (Raphael, pp. 20, 26), did some Jews from Naples go there.
107. Cited Robert Bonfil, “Italia: Un triste epílogo,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 249.
108. Rabbi Ha Levi, in Raphael, p. 87.
109. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 133, order of 25 June 1492.
110. Gampel, p. 107.
111. Ladero 1988, p. 255.
112. Ladero 1988, p. 253.
113. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 75.
114. Cf. Raphael, p. 43.
115. The point, well known to specialists in the period, is reaffirmed by Roth, p. 313.
116. Cantera Burgos and Carrete Parrondo, “La judería de Buitrago.”
117. J. Gómez-Menor, “Un judío converso de 1498. Diego Gómez de Toledo (Semuel Abolafia) y su proceso inquisitorial,” Sefarad 33 (1973).
118. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 75.
119. González and de Forteza, “Los médicos madrileños a fines del siglo XV,” p. 223.
120. My conclusion, affirmed long ago, is supported by Roth, p. 315: “The truth is that the monarchs had no master plan for unification of the faith”; and by Kriegel, in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 188: “aucun document rédigé à l’inspiration des souverains ne fait reférence à la notion de la désirabilité d’une liquidation du pluralisme religieux.”
121. The point, made thirty years ago by Domínguez Ortiz and by myself, has been re-affirmed by a Jewish scholar: Roth, pp. 272–75.
122. The central argument of Netanyahu’s 1995 study, that the expulsion was just one element in a general drive to eliminate all Jews, and therefore racist rather than religious in motive, is not generally accepted by scholars.
123. Suárez Fernández, p. 41.
124. There is a useful summary of some post-exile attitudes among Jews in J. N. Hillgarth, The Mirror of Spain, 1500–1700, Ann Arbor, 2000, pp. 162–78.
125. Raphael, p. 42.
126. Raphael, p. 54.
127. Netanyahu 1968, pp. 201–4.
128. Netanyahu 1968, p. 249.
129. Eric Lawee, Isaac Abarbanel’s Stance toward Tradition, New York, 2001, p. 162.
130. E. Gutwirth, “Reacciones ante la expulsión,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 207.
131. George K. Anderson, The Legend of the Wandering Jew, Providence, 1965.
132. Joseph E. Gillet, “Traces of the Wandering Jew in Spain,” Romanic Review 22 (1931), pp. 16–27.
133. Raphael, pp. 17, 43.
134. Jerónimo de Zurita, Historia del rey Don Hernando el Catholico, 6 vols., Saragossa, 1610, I, 9.
135. Luis de Páramo, De origine et progressu Officii Sanctae Inquisitionis, Madrid, 1598, book II, título 2, chap. 6, p. 165.
136. One hundred years after the expulsion of Jews from Spain, there was a small Jewish community in Oran, numbering seventy persons. At the end of the reign of Philip II, moves were made to expel them from Oran as well as from Milan. In the event nothing happened, and Jews continued to be tolerated there until the end of the seventeenth century. For the expulsions from Oran in 1669, see Kamen 1980, pp. 3
06–7; Jonathan Israel, “The Jews of Spanish Orán and Their Expulsion in 1669,” in Conflicts of Empires. Spain, the Low Countries and the Struggle for World Supremacy, 1585–1713, London, 1997; and J.-F. Schaub, Les juifs du roi d’Espagne: Oran, 1509–1669, Paris, 1999.
137. There is a vast literature on conversos and the Inquisition in the New World. Apart from the classic works by Henry Charles Lea, several recent scholars have produced excellent studies. For a modern survey, see Ricardo Escobar Quevedo, Inquisición y judaizantes en América española (siglos XVI-XVII), prologue by Charles Amiel, Bogotá, 2008. More popular in approach is Aviva Ben-Ur, Sephardic Jews in America: A Diasporic History, New York, 2009.
138. Bernáldez, chap. 112, p. 262.
CHAPTER THREE. THE COMING OF THE INQUISITION
Epigraph. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 56.
1. There is a vast, and often polemical, literature on the subject. This chapter offers a brief introduction related to the coming of the Inquisition. Some scholars prefer the term “crypto-Jew” to “converso”; this presupposes (incorrectly) that the person was always a secret Jew, and its use is avoided here.
2. The “crown” of Aragon was made up of three principal regions: the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia, and the principality of Catalonia.
3. F. Márquez Villanueva, “Conversos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV,” RABM 63, 2 (1957).
4. Cited by J. Valdeón, “Fricciones entre viejocristianos, judíos y conversos,” p. 83, in Alcalá 1995.
5. P. L. Lorenzo Cadarso, “Oligarquías conversas de Cuenca y Guadalajara (siglos XV y XVI),” Hispania 186 (1994), p. 59.
6. Lorenzo Cadarso, “Oligarquías conversas,” p. 58.
7. Outline of the family in Roth, pp. 136–50. Also L. Serrano, Los conversos D. Pablo de Santa María y D. Alfonso de Cartagena, Madrid, 1942, pp. 23–24.
8. By contrast, there is no reason whatever for supposing—as is often done—that the first archbishop of Granada, Hernando de Talavera, was of converso origin.
9. Ladero 1984, p. 47.
10. “Copia de los sanvenitos que corresponden a la villa de Aguilar de la Frontera,” BL Add. 21447, ff. 137–39.
11. Cantera Burgos and León Tello, pp. xi–xii.