by Henry Kamen
12. A. Rodríguez Moñino, “Les Judaisants à Badajoz de 1493 à 1599,” REJ (1956).
13. Blázquez Miguel, p. 40.
14. M. A. Ladero Quesada, “Sevilla y los conversos: Los ‘habilitados’ en 1495,” Sefarad 52 (1992), pp. 438–39.
15. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 217–19.
16. For Quevedo, the Jewish conspiracy and Olivares, cf. J. H. Elliott, The Count Duke of Olivares, London and New Haven, 1986, pp. 11, 556, 558.
17. Caro Baroja, II, 162–244.
18. Inquisitors to Suprema, 28 Apr. 1579, AHN Inq, leg. 2704.
19. Published by R. Amador de los Ríos in the Revista de España 105–6 (1885).
20. Printed in Caro Baroja, III, 287–99.
21. Caro Baroja, II, 264.
22. Good details in Roth, chap. 6. Another approach to converso intellectuals is Claude B. Stuczynski, “Pro-Converso Apologetics and Biblical Exegesis,” in Jonathan Dexter, Arturo Prats, eds., The Hebrew Bible in Fifteenth-Century Spain, Leiden, 2012.
23. B. Netanyahu, “Fray Alonso de Espina: Was He a New Christian?” PAAJR 43 (1976).
24. Beinart 1981, p. 20.
25. E. Benito Ruano, Toledo en el siglo XV, Madrid, 1961, appendices 16, 18, 19, 22, 44.
26. L. Delgado Merchán, Historia documentada de Ciudad Real, Ciudad Real, 1907, p. 419.
27. Caro Baroja, III, 279–81.
28. Ladero 1984, p. 30.
29. Ladero 1984, p. 31.
30. For tensions in Córdoba, cf. John Edwards, “The Judeoconversos in the Urban Life of Córdoba, 1450–1520,” in Villes et sociétés urbaines au moyen age, Paris, 1994.
31. Stephen Haliczer, “The Castilian Urban Patriciate and the Jewish Expulsions of 1480–92,” AHR 78 (Feb. 1973).
32. A survey of the central issues is given in Gitlitz, chap. 20, “Conversion.”
33. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 208–9; Roth, p. 32.
34. Roth, p. 40.
35. I follow the discussion in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 848ff, though I do not accept his dating the document to 1467.
36. Baer, II, 424.
37. Beinart 1981, p. 242.
38. Benzion Netanyahu, most notably, refuses to use Inquisition documents in his many influential studies. See also Ellis Rivkin, “How Jewish were the New Christians?” in Hispania Judaica. I: History, Barcelona, 1980.
39. For a critical analysis of Netanyahu’s exposition, for example, see Martha G. Krow-Lucal, “Marginalizing History: Observations on the Origins of the Inquisition in Fifteenth-Century Spain,” Judaism 46, 1 (Winter 1997).
40. A good summary of texts on this point can be found in chap. 21, “The Social Contexts of Crypto-Judaism,” in Gitlitz, pp. 587 onwards.
41. Cf. Reinkowski, pp. 426–27.
42. I take the categories from Gitlitz, pp. 82–90, but they can also be found in other books.
43. Cited in Netanyahu 1995, p. 410.
44. Cited in Gitlitz, p. 533. See chap. 19 in Gitlitz for details about food practices among the conversos.
45. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 58.
46. One must add that the official Church in later centuries prohibited the syncretic practices of the Malabar and Chinese Christians.
47. E. Gutwirth, “Elementos étnicos e históricos en las relaciones judeo-conversos en Segovia,” in Kaplan, p. 97.
48. D’Abrera, p. 129.
49. A fair summary of such doubts is in Roth, pp. 216–21.
50. Netanyahu 1995, p. 853.
51. Beinart 1974, I, 339. Beinart’s edition of these documents is invaluable; however, his own commentary on them is open to dispute.
52. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 197.
53. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 37, 137.
54. Cf. John Edwards, “Religious Faith and Doubt in Late Medieval Spain,” P&P 120 (Aug. 1988), p. 13. See also my chapter 13 below.
55. Both cited from Carrete Parrondo 1991, pp. 37–38.
56. Beinart 1974, I, 371.
57. Beinart 1974, I, 311, 330.
58. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 27, 45.
59. See especially the analysis of the thought of Isaac Abravanel, in Netanyahu 1968, pp. 202, 236–42. Also Carlos Carrete Parrondo, “Movimientos mesiánicos en las juderías de Castilla,” in Tres culturas, p. 68.
60. Alain Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, Valladolid, 1983.
61. Cf. Edwards, “Religious Faith,” p. 24.
62. Beinart 1974, I, 481.
63. E. Gutwirth, “Relaciones judeo-conversos en Segovia,” in Kaplan, p. 101.
64. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 130, 98, 108.
65. Francesc Carreres i Candi, “L’Inquisició barcelonina, substituïda per l’Inquisició castellana (1446–1487),” Institut d’estudis Catalans (1909–10), p. 163.
66. Beinart 1974, I, 82.
67. Cf. Netanyahu 1995, p. 1047.
68. Summarized in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 995–96, from whom I take the examples that follow.
69. Riera Sans, p. 84.
70. Riera Sans, p. 85.
71. Alonso de Palencia, Crónica de Enrique IV, 4 vols., Madrid, 1904–8; Bernáldez, p. 599.
72. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los conversos jerónimos,” p. 101.
73. Azcona, p. 252.
74. Roth, p. 203, mistakenly dates the foundation of the Inquisition to 1179. No such body existed at that time.
75. Cf. Given, pp. 5–6. In particular, R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250, Oxford, 1987.
76. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 4, n. 3.
77. Lea, I, 153.
78. Roth, p. 229, identifies Hojeda as “head inquisitor” of Seville in 1478. I have found no evidence for this.
79. A good sketch of their measures is given in Tomás y Valiente, pp. 28–42.
80. Cf. Tomás y Valiente, pp. 157–60. The inquiries were known as “inquisitio” in Latin, “pesquisa” in Castilian.
81. The bulls of the early years were printed (with some errors) in Bernardino Llorca, SJ, Bulario pontificio de la Inquisición española en su período constitucional (1478–1525), vol. 15, Miscellanea historiae pontificae, Rome, 1949. A modern, corrected edition is that of Gonzalo Martínez Díez, SJ, Bulario de la Inquisición española, hasta la muerte de Fernando el Católico, Madrid, 1997.
82. Azcona p. 268.
83. Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, A History of Medieval Heresy and Inquisition, Lanham, 2011, p. 244.
84. Philip Hughes, The Reformation in England, 3 vols., London, 1963, I, 128–29.
85. Lea, I, 154.
86. Cited in Netanyahu 1995, p. 853.
87. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1041–43, 1052, lays stress on “racialism,” whereas I tend to see community tension as the relevant factor.
88. The central thesis of Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1005–40, without citing appropriate evidence, is that Ferdinand’s motives were anti-Jewish and racist.
89. Cf. A. Cascales Ramos, La Inquisición en Andalucia. Resistencia de los conversos a su implantación, Seville, 1986, pp. 57–69. A study of the same years is Béatrice Pérez, Inquisition, pouvoir, société. La province de Séville et ses judéoconvers sous les Rois Catholiques, Paris, 2007.
90. Relación histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, Seville, 1849, p. 24.
91. Bernáldez, chap. 44, p. 99.
92. Cf. Roth, pp. 244–46; Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1149–54.
93. Pulgar, V, 337.
94. I follow the arguments in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1155–64.
95. Lea, I, 231.
96. Lea, I, 587.
97. Lea, I, 233.
98. Lea, I, 590, appendix 11.
99. Lea, I, 244–45. In a previous edition of this book I suggested that the autos took place not in 1484 but the year after; I now see no reason to reject the date 1484.
100. Quoted in Llorente 1812, p. 90.
101. Lea, I, 247.
102. Antonio C. Floriano, “El Tribunal del Santo Oficio en Aragón. Estableci
miento de la Inquisición en Teruel,” BRAH 86–87 (1925) and 88 (1926). Floriano’s basic documentation, as well as other original sources, are published in the excellent compilation by Sesma Muñoz.
103. Sesma Muñoz, pp. 97–100.
104. Sesma Muñoz, p. 20.
105. Carreres i Candi, “L’Inquisició barcelonina,” pp. 134–37.
106. This was not the same Alonso de Espina as the Franciscan who was active in Andalucia twenty years before.
107. Sesma Muñoz, p. 23.
108. Figures are from the basic source for the early years of the Catalan Inquisition: Pere Miquel Carbonell, in Colección de documentos inéditos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Barcelona, 1864–65, vols. 27–8.
109. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 50.
110. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 60.
111. Previous murders of inquisitors, notably by the Cathars in France in 1243, had always provoked a severe reaction. Other assassinated inquisitors included Conrad of Marburg (Germany) in 1233 and Peter of Verona (Italy) in 1252.
112. He was popularly venerated as “el Santo martyr,” and assigned a feast day in Spain in the sixteenth century, but not beatified by Rome until 1662, and canonized only in 1867.
113. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1164–72, has some interesting but unsubstantiated arguments in this respect.
114. Jordi Ventura, “A l’entorn del judaisme de les famílies Santangel i Sanchez,” in XIII Congrés d’Història de la Corona d’Aragó, Palma, 1990, III, 47.
115. Jordi Ventura, “Els inicis de la Inquisició espanyola a Mallorca,” Randa 5 (1977).
116. Lea, I, 167, 183, 267.
117. “Papel de Don Pedro Borja,” undated but around 1650, in ACA:CA, leg. 929.
118. Figures for Barcelona from Carbonell, for Valencia from García-Cárcel 1976, p. 195.
119. Lea, I, 169.
120. This is my translation of a particularly difficult phrase.
121. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 197.
122. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 196.
123. There were always exceptions: cf. Historia de la Inquisición, II, 347–57.
124. Lea, I, 169–70.
125. Cantera Burgos and León Tello, Judaizantes, pp. xi–xxii.
126. Ladero 1984, p 41, suggests that most conversos did not reappear before the Inquisition, a conclusion I accept.
127. D’Abrera.
128. Pulgar, chap. 96, p. 336.
129. Bernáldez, chap. 44, p. 101.
130. Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales de Sevilla, Madrid, 1677, p. 482. It has been suggested more plausibly that deaths did not exceed 248: Klaus Wagner, “La Inquisición en Sevilla (1481–1524),” in Homenaje al Profesor Carriazo, Seville, 1973, vol. III.
131. Dedieu, p. 242.
132. Monter 1990, pp. 15, 21. The diagram of cases in Aragon in M. A. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” p. 402, suggests even fewer executions, but his data are evidently incomplete.
133. The figures given in García-Cárcel 1976, p. 174, according to which some seven hundred people were executed, are unproven. Monter 1990, p. 21, n. 36, concludes that García-Cárcel’s figures are “inaccurate.”
134. Monter 1990, p. 21. This figure is supported by the painstaking work of Blázquez Miguel, who suggests fourteen executions of conversos up to 1499, and around twenty in the subsequent period: Blázquez Miguel, pp. 38, 51.
135. Fidel Fita, “La Inquisición toledana”; Fita also suggests that five hundred were burnt in effigy.
136. Monter 1990, p. 53, makes a lower estimate of fifteen hundred executions.
137. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 40.
138. Carreres i Candi, “L’Inquisició barcelonina,” p. 160.
139. IMH Consellers C.XVIII-6.
140. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 171.
141. Roth p. 222: “the desire to totally eradicate the converso class and also to enrich by the confiscation of as much property as possible.”
142. Text published by Azcona, in Nueva visión, p. 127.
143. Samuel Usque, in Raphael, p. 137.
144. And that many historians appear to have accepted unquestioningly.
145. Cf. J. Jiménez Lozano, “The Persistence of Judaic and Islamic Cultemas in Spanish Society,” in Alcalá 1987, who also cites Llorente in this respect, p. 407.
146. Beinart 1974, I, 16–21.
147. Beinart 1974, I, 163–80. Even Beinart is forced to comment that the “Jewish” practices of Chinchilla seem “unimpressive.”
148. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 19, 21.
149. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 32.
150. Beinart 1974, I, 193.
151. Beinart 1974, I, 116.
152. Beinart 1974, I, 92.
153. To this extent, at least, the evidence supports Netanyahu’s view that accused conversos were in large measure Christians.
154. Beinart 1974, I, 404.
155. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 24. The testimony was given by a Jew in 1490.
156. Reading through the case histories now, this point appears quite obvious to me. It was the reading of Netanyahu’s forceful Origins (1995)–whose central argument I happen not to accept–that obliged me to rethink the whole question through the available evidence. See also, on this question, Roth, pp. 217–20, 268.
157. Anonymous chronicler, c. 1495, in Raphael, p. 133.
158. Netanyahu 1995, p. 928.
159. Netanyahu 1995, p. 929.
160. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 107, 149.
161. There would, obviously, be almost no written sources to throw light on what one of the experts on the period, Tarsicio de Azcona, refers to as the post-1492 years of “la supresión de los conversos” (in Nueva visión, p. 120).
162. All quotations that follow come from Carrete Parrondo 1991. Carrete, however, does not distinguish between pre-1480 and post-1492 conversos.
163. Rabbi Capsali, in Raphael, p. 44.
164. Stephen Sharot, Comparative Perspectives on Judaisms and Jewish Identities, Detroit, 2011, pp. 105–6.
CHAPTER FOUR. AN ENDURING CRISIS
Epigraph. Inquisitors to Suprema, 1618, AHN Inq, lib. 743, f. 95.
1. “What we cannot doubt, is that in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the immense majority of the Spanish people, with their kings, magistrates and bishops leading them, gave their decisive support to the proceedings of the Inquisition:” Bernardino Llorca, SJ, La Inquisición en España, Barcelona, 1936, p. 166.
2. Llorente 1812, p. 37.
3. For pre-Inquisition trials in one city, see Beinart 1981, p. 78.
4. Both Américo Castro, in various writings, and Claudio Sánchez Albornoz (the latter in España, un enigma histórico, 2 vols., 2nd edn., Buenos Aires, 1956, chap. I, n. 4) argue that the Inquisition was patently non-Spanish and therefore of Jewish origin.
5. And not, as some writers suggest, the Inquisition itself.
6. Mariana, vol. 31, p. 202.
7. J. Vicens Vives, Ferran II i la ciutat de Barcelona, 1479–1516, 2 vols., Barcelona, 1936, I, 376.
8. Miguel Avilés, “Motivos de crítica a la Inquisición en tiempos de Carlos V,” in Nueva Visión, p. 187.
9. Mariana, vol. 31, p. 202.
10. Vicens Vives, Ferran II, I, 382.
11. BN MS.1517. For Pulgar’s general position, see F. Cantera Burgos, “Fernando de Pulgar y los conversos,” Sefarad 4 (1944).
12. Cited in Márquez, Literatura, p. 25; cf. Azcona p. 263.
13. “Baptizati invite non recipiunt Sacramentum nec characterem baptismalem, sed remanent infideles occulti:” Páramo, De origine, p. 165.
14. Bernáldez, chap. 44.
15. H. Graetz, “La police de l’Inquisition d’Espagne à ses débuts,” BRAH 23 (1893).
16. D’Abrera, pp. 63–64.
17. Beinart 1981, p. 134.
18. Cf. J. Edwards, “Trial of an Inquisitor: The Dismissal of Diego Rodríguez
Lucero, Inquisitor of Córdoba, in 1508,” JEH 37, 2 (Apr. 1986).
19. Tarsicio de Azcona, in Nueva Visión, p. 144.
20. Luis Ramírez y Las Casas Deza, Anales de Córdoba, in CODOIN, vol. 112, p. 279.
21. R. Gracia Boix, Colección de documentos para la historia de la Inquisición de Córdoba, Córdoba, 1982, pp. 86, 96, 103. Tarsicio de Azcona, in Nueva Visión, p. 145.
22. T. Herrero del Collado, “El proceso inquisitorial por delito de herejía contra Hernando de Talavera,” Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español (1969).
23. Text (of May 1507) published by Azcona in Nueva visión, p. 130.
24. José de Sigüenza, Historia de la Orden de San Jerónimo, 2 vols., Madrid, 1907 (Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vols. 8, 12) II, 306. The numerous episodes of resistance to the Inquisition on the part of clergy, based on principles of conscience, are surveyed in Stefania Pastore, Il Vangelo e la Spada. She commences her study specifically with the writings of Sigüenza.
25. Católica impugnación, ed. F. Martín, introd. by F. Márquez Villanueva, Barcelona, 1961, p.,68.
26. Márquez, Literatura, p. 233.
27. C. Fernández Duro, “Vida y obras de Gonzalo de Ayora,” BRAH 17 (1890).
28. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 39.
29. Lea, I, 211.
30. Lea, I, 211.
31. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 16.
32. AHN Inq, leg. 47242, no. 8.
33. P. Gayangos and Vicente de la Fuente, Cartas del Cardenal Don Fray Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, Madrid, 1867, p. 261.
34. Lea, I, 215.
35. Details in the next few pages come from Llorente 1812, pp. 119–31.
36. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 45.
37. Llorente 1812, p. 156.
38. Joseph Pérez, La révolution des “Comunidades” de Castille (1520–1521), Bordeaux, 1970, p. 509.
39. For all this, J. I. Gutiérrez Nieto, “Los conversos y el movimiento comunero,” Hispania 94 (1964); and Pérez, La révolution, pp. 507–14, 549–52.
40. BL Eg.1832, ff. 37–40.
41. Aline Goosens, Les Inquisitions modernes dans les Pays-Bas méridionaux, 1520–1633, 2 vols. Brussels 1997–1998.
42. Colas Latorre and Salas Auséns, p. 505.
43. Pérez, La révolution, p. 551, n. 117.
44. Monter 1990, p. 324.
45. Being a foreigner did not have the connotation it has today. At that time “foreigner” meant that you were not native-born, and consequently did not enjoy certain local civic rights such as eligibility for public office.