by Henry Kamen
96. Fernández Nieva, La Inquisición,p. 87.
97. Lea, II, 438.
98. Kamen, Spain, p. 360.
99. G. Cerrillo, “Los familiares de la Inquisición en la época borbónica,” RI 4 (1995).
100. Historia, II, 1059.
101. Cf. Valentin Groebner, Who Are You? Identification, Deception and Surveillance in Early Modern Europe, New York, 2007.
102. Lea, II, 110.
103. In BN, MS.718, ff. 108–10, “Remisiones de causas hechas por los sumos Pontifices a la Inquisición de España,” there are examples of twenty-one such appeals referred back between 1569 and 1608.
104. Lea, II, 8.
105. A. Astraín, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la asistencia de España, 7 vols., Madrid, 1902–25, vols. I–III.
106. A prosecution paper is published by Carlos Carrete Parrondo as Fontes Iudaeorum, vol. III.
107. This brief account, virtually unchanged from the first edition of this book, is based on Menéndez Pelayo, V, 9–82; G. Marañón, “El proceso del arzobispo Carranza,” BRAH 127 (1950), pp. 135–78; Lea, II, 48–86; and Tellechea 1969, I, 23–26. The various studies by Tellechea on Carranza are definitive; but there is still no adequate biography.
108. John Edwards, Mary I, England’s Catholic Queen, New Haven and London, 2011, p. 264. See also John Edwards and R. W. Truman, Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Friar Bartolomé Carranza, Aldershot, 2005.
109. The definitive life of Valdés, by J. L. González Novalín, El inquisidor general Fernando de Valdés, throws considerable light on the case.
110. Cf. Tellechea, in Historia, I, 566 (a useful summary of the case, published 1984).
111. Marañón, “El proceso,” p. 145.
112. Lea, I, 567–69, appendix I.
113. A point made by R. López Vela in Historia, II, 88, 100.
114. AHN Inq, lib. 1262, ff. 138–47.
115. AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 232.
116. “Justicias reales castigados por el Sancto Oficio,” AHN Inq, lib. 1275, ff. 1–8.
117. Cited in Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 151; my italics.
118. AHN Inq, leg. 15921, no. 2.
119. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 218.
120. Cited in Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 142.
121. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.
122. Consulta of Aragon, 22 Aug. 1587, ACA:CA, leg. 262, f. 4.
123. “Exemplares de haverse mandado borrar de libros de Audiencias y Consejos cedulas dadas contra el estilo de la Inquisición,” AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 203, is taken up almost wholly with conflicts with Barcelona.
124. To Suprema, 7 Sept. 1618, AHN Inq, lib. 743, ff. 95–99.
125. Quoted in Kamen, Phoenix, p. 211.
126. To Suprema, 12 Jan. 1613, AHN Inq, lib. 742, ff. 128–129. See the extended discussion of this in Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 268–70.
127. Menéndez y Pelayo, VI, 56.
128. Junta on Aragon to Philip II, 14 July 1591, BZ, 186, f. 15.
129. Cited by Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (El hombre, el drama, la época). 2 vols., Madrid, 1947, II, 605.
130. In a letter of Philip III, 14. Aug 1599, ACA:CA, leg. 264, f. 108.
131. AGS:E/K, 1505, nos. 46–77.
132. What follows is drawn from Henry Kamen, La España de Carlos II, Barcelona, 1981, pp. 364–69. This study contains a chapter 8, on the Church (and the Inquisition), that does not appear in the previously published English version, which is cited in my present bibliography as “Kamen 1980.”
133. This quotation, and the Sanz case, are detailed in Kamen 1980.
134. “Consulta que hizo la Junta que mandó formar el Señor Rey Don Carlos 2º a Su Magd para reformar abusos de Inquisición,” Real Academia de la Historia, MS. Est.23.gr.5.a.B, no. 129, ff. 308–52.
135. The mistaken idea of the Inquisition as a unique political body in Spain exercising jurisdiction that cut across frontiers is repeated frequently by nonhistorians. A recent example is Georgina Dopico-Black, Perfect Wives, Other Women: Adultery and Inquisition in Early Modern Spain, Durham, 2001, p. 10: “The Spanish Inquisition served as an instrument of national centralization. The Supreme Council of the Inquisition was the only formal institution with jurisdiction over all the kingdoms of Spain.” Neither of these statements is correct.
136. Cf. R. López Vela in Historia, II, 117.
137. Lea, II, 133–57.
138. Serrano, III, lxx.
139. E.g., by Lea, in general; also by Monter 1990, p. 27.
140. Cf. Lea, IV, 514.
141. See, for example, Kamen 1997; also Patrick Williams, Philip II, New York, 2001.
142. BN, MS.2569. No denunciation or prosecution ever took place.
143. Galván Rodríguez, p. 448.
144. In the 1650s, for example, the council of State agreed to grant toleration to English Protestant sailors in Spanish ports, but the Inquisition blocked the measure.
145. Quoted thus in Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, España, un enigma histórico, 2 vols., 2nd edn., Buenos Aires, 1956, II, 563. Lea, IV, 250, quotes it as four clerics. The origin of the quote is unknown.
146. Cited J. Contreras, “La Inquisición aragonesa,” HS 36, 76 (1985), pp. 516–17.
147. Contreras, “La Inquisición aragonesa,” pp. 516–17.
148. Here I use quotations from the one-volume English edition of Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez: “Spanish Traitor,” London, 1954, pp. 11, 13.
149. Marañón, Antonio Pérez: “Spanish Traitor,” p. 53.
150. Marañón, Antonio Pérez: “Spanish Traitor,” p. 276. The word “liberty” here meant expressly “the laws of Aragon,” and not the general concept of liberty.
151. The names of the dead are given in CODOIN, XII, 418–20.
152. This version of his death, given by the count of Luna (Francisco de Gurrea y Aragón, conde de Luna, Comentarios de los sucesos de Aragon en los años 1591 y 1592. Madrid, 1888, pp. 251–53), who was present in the city and knew all those participating in the execution, must be accepted over the highly dramatic version offered by many historians.
153. Ungerer, I, 84. “Old, weary and worn out from persecution.”
154. Ungerer, I, 212.
155. Ungerer, I, 304.
156. Marcelin Defourneaux, Pablo de Olavide ou l’Afrancesado (1725–1803), Paris, 1959, pp. 476–91.
157. Defourneaux, Pablo de Olavide, p. 327.
158. I take the details that follow from Manuela Moreno, “Breve biografía de Olavide,” Inquisición española. Nuevas aproximaciones, Madrid, 1987.
159. Jean Sarrailh, L’Espagne éclairée de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1954, p. 622, who cites also the opinion of the French scholar Morel-Fatio.
160. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 437.
161. Gonzalo Correas, Vocabulario de refranes, Madrid, 1924, p. 124.
CHAPTER NINE. CRIME AND PUNISHMENT
1. E.g., Beinart 1974.
2. This is the case, notably, of Netanyahu 1995.
3. AHN Inq, leg. 1867, no. 36.
4. Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England, Oxford, 1988, pp. 98–101.
5. The material that follows is drawn from Kamen, Phoenix. The history of the Inquisition in Catalonia can be followed in three main studies: the references in Lea’s volumes, my chapter 5 in Phoenix, and the volume by Juan Blázquez Miguel, La Inquisición en Cataluña. El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Barcelona (1487–1820), Toledo, 1990.
6. AHN Inq, lib. 732, f. 30v.
7. AHN Inq, lib. 733, f. 367v.
8. López-Lázaro, p. 21.
9. AHN Inq, lib. 733, f. 385.
10. Amando Represa, “El miedo y la huida ante la Inquisición,” in Proyección histórica de España en sus tres culturas, Valladolid, 1993, I, 254–64.
11. Tomás y Valiente, pp. 167–70.
12. Mariana, vol. 31, p. 202.
13. Cited by Represa, “El miedo,” pp. 259–64.
14. Huerga 19
58, p. 13.
15. Records of the Spanish Inquisition, Translated from the Original Manuscripts, Boston, 1828, p. 27.
16. Birch, I, 103, 112.
17. Lea, II, 99.
18. AHN Inq, leg. 218, no. 20, case of 1674.
19. García Ivars, p. 231.
20. This useful point is made by Dedieu, p. 108.
21. Records of the Spanish Inquisition, pp. 78–113.
22. Lea, III, 552, analyzing a manuscript from the University of Halle.
23. Lea, II, 572.
24. For example, in the United States the taking of evidence by a grand jury involves applying the rule of secrecy to “the identities of witnesses or jurors, the substance of testimony” as well as actual transcripts, “the strategy or direction of the investigation, the deliberations or questions of jurors, and the like”: Federal Rules for Criminal Proceedings 6(e).
25. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28; cf. Lea, I, 585.
26. I am now unable to locate my source for this. Cf. Caro Baroja, II, 187.
27. Miguel Avilés, “Motivos de crítica a la Inquisición en tiempos de Carlos V,” in Nueva Visión, p. 190.
28. Cited by Vincent, p. 142.
29. “La orden que ha de guardar el inquisidor que huviera de salir a visitar de la Inquisición de Llerena,” AHN Inq, lib. 1229, ff. 168–79.
30. Baer, II, 343; Lea, I, 169. Since not all parishes figure in this total, the real number of penitents may have been much higher.
31. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 192.
32. Carrasco, pp. 203–5.
33. The edict of faith for the year 1624, printed in Miguel Jiménez Monteserín, Introducción a la Inquisición española, Madrid, 1980, runs to thirty-two pages (pp. 503–35).
34. Contreras, in Historia, I, 755, makes this claim on the terror caused in Galicia by edicts.
35. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 247. One should add that all edicts were read in Castilian, a language incomprehensible to the population in many parts of Spain, especially Catalonia.
36. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 471, n. 220.
37. CODOIN, 112, pp. 264–65, 270.
38. AHN Inq, leg. 2701.
39. Iñaki Reguera, “Las cárceles de la Inquisición de Logroño,” in Perfiles, p. 437.
40. “Extracts from a Narrative of the Persecution of Hippolyto Joseph da Costa Pereira,” in the English version of Philipp van Limborch’s classic The History of the Inquisition, London, 1816, pp. 521–30.
41. Escamilla-Colin, I, 678.
42. M. de la Pinta Llorente, Las cárceles inquisitoriales españolas, Madrid, 1949, p. 115.
43. Birch, I, 367–68.
44. Pinta Llorente, Las cárceles, p. 102.
45. B. Vincent, “La prison inquisitoriale au XVIe siècle,” in A. Redondo, Les problèmes de l’exclusion en Espagne (XVIe–XVIIe siècles), Paris, 1983, p. 117.
46. In some prisons in Brazil today, twenty-five inmates have to fit into cells constructed for four people. Prison systems in Europe are supposed to provide at least five square meters of living space for each detainee; in practice many countries provide only two square meters. According to official statistics, three-quarters of the prisons in France, England, Italy and Spain suffer from this overcrowding. Details in Prison Overcrowding and Prison Population Inflation, the Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 2000.
47. Birch, I, 235.
48. Lea, II, 534.
49. Escamilla-Colin, I, 696.
50. In what follows, I draw on the fine sketch given in Murphy, pp. 47–53.
51. Given, p. 217.
52. Lea, III, 11.
53. AHN Inq, lib. 497, f. 45.
54. A study that looks at the Inquisition’s use of torture in a European perspective is Ariel Glucklich, Sacred Pain: Hurting the Body for the Sake of the Soul, Oxford, 2001, chap. 7.
55. Beinart 1981, p. 120.
56. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 199.
57. Bennassar 1979, pp. 115–16.
58. Lea, III, 33.
59. Escamilla-Colin, I, 599.
60. Escamilla-Colin, I, 593.
61. Some historians, on the other hand, maintain that the inquisitors had sophisticated Communist-style methods. For example, Dedieu, pp. 80–82, believes that inquisitors and Chinese Communists “appliquaient des techniques semblables.” Similarly, Joseph Perez, The Spanish Inquisition, New Haven and London, 2004, pp. 222–24, claims to see “similarities between an inquisitorial trial and a Stalinist one.” He also views the tribunal as “an anticipation of modern totalitarianism” (p. 175).
62. The rack was virtually the only torture used by the tribunal in the seventeenth century. A detailed account of torture methods at that epoch is given in AHN Inq, lib. 1226, ff. 605–9: “La forma que se tiene en executar los tormentos en Castilla,” dated 24 May 1662.
63. Inquisitors to Suprema, 1 Apr. 1579, AHN Inq, leg. 2704.
64. Cases of the 1660s cited by Escamilla-Colin, I, 593–97.
65. For a case of 1648 in a secular court, cf. Tomás y Valiente, p. 414.
66. Lea, III, 25.
67. Birch, I, 381.
68. Murphy, p. 90. The water torture, in particular, or “waterboarding” as it is now known, has gained a grim notoriety through its regular use by agents of the United States government in Guantánamo.
69. AHN Inq, lib. 998, f. 212.
70. Lea, III, 46.
71. Lea, III, 68.
72. AHN Inq, leg. 1679, no. 3.
73. AHN Inq, leg. 37, no. 1.
74. J.-P. Dedieu, “L’Inquisition et le droit. Analyse formelle de la procédure inquisitoriale en cause de foi,” MCV 23 (1987), gives a schematic explanation of trial procedure.
75. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 255.
76. IMH, Barcelona, Consellers C.XVIII, vol. 8, f. 65.
77. To Suprema, 2 May 1590, AHN Inq, leg. 27061, no. 33. The Morisco was Gonzalo Bejarano, a convicted thief, whose vengeful revelations began the last great prosecution against the Moriscos of Hornachos.
78. Lea, III, 79.
79. Casey, chap. 8, “Obedience to the Law,” gives an excellent outline; but the history of crime in pre-modern Spain has barely begun to be studied.
80. T. A. Mantecón, “Meaning and Social Context of Crime in Preindustrial Times: Rural Society in the North of Spain, 17th and 18th centuries,” Crime, histoire & sociétés/Crime, History & Societies 2, 1 (1998), offers a useful bibliography relating particularly to Spain.
81. López-Lázaro, p. 76.
82. The most ambitious were the figures offered by G. Henningsen and J. Contreras, “Forty-four Thousand Cases of the Spanish Inquisition (1540–1700),” in Henningsen and Tedeschi, pp. 100–29.
83. In the tribunal of Murcia, where the Contreras figures offered a total of 1735 cases between 1562 and 1682, the real total of cases was 2726, or over 50 percent more: J. Blázquez Miguel, El tribunal de la Inquisición en Murcia, Murcia, 1986, p. 274. In the tribunal of Granada, where the Contreras figures offered 538 cases for the period 1550–1700, the real total was 1,187 persons tried, or over 100 percent more: Blázquez Miguel, “Algunas precisiones sobre estadística inquisitorial,” HS 40 (1988), p. 137. For the tribunal of Barcelona, there are major disparities between the Contreras figures and the real number of cases.
84. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 259.
85. Bethencourt, pp. 31, 444.
86. Dedieu, pp. 240–41, tables 34, 35.
87. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 212. A closer look at these cases (and those from Galicia) may well produce a different analysis, but the figures can serve to give an idea of the balance between different penalties.
88. Contreras, p. 550.
89. Birch, I, xxiv.
90. Beinart 1974, I, 607.
91. Cf. Lea, III, 162.
92. The incorrect form sambenito grew up because Castilians pronounced “m” instead of “n” in the word.
93. Escamilla-Colin, I, 830.
94. A large literature on this topic was launched with the influential work of Michel Foucault, Disci
pline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, first published in Paris in French in 1975.
95. Cf. Dedieu, “L’Inquisition et le droit,” p. 247.
96. B. Vincent, “La prison inquisitoriale au XVIe siècle,” in Augustin Redondo, Les problèmes de l’exclusion en Espagne (Xve–XVIIe siècles, Paris, 1983, p. 120.
97. Lea, III, 156.
98. Monter 1990, p. 32. Monter has the best available study of this punishment.
99. Jan Glete, War and the State in Early Modern Europe: Spain, the Dutch Republic and Sweden as Fiscal-Military States, 1500–1660, London, 2002, pp. 68–69.
100. In reality, even in state tribunals “life” meant a maximum of ten years, according to a declaration issued by the Council of War in 1690: report of 19 Aug. 1690, AGS:E, leg. 4138.
101. Vincent, p. 141.
102. Monter 1990, p. 35.
103. BN, MS.9475.
104. The essential study is R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, Oxford, 1987; the most extensive treatment is Henry C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, 3 vols., New York, 1887, available in many editions and online; a useful summary may be found in Peters, pp. 56–64.
105. Monter 1996, p. 50. See also the figures cited above in chapter 5.
106. Cf. Bennassar 1979, p. 118.
107. Letter of 11 May 1573, AHN Inq, leg. 2703.
108. Fita, “La Inquisición toledana.”
109. J. Simón Díaz, “La Inquisición de Logroño (1570–1580),” Berceo 1 (1946).
110. AHN Inq, leg. 46962.
111. AHN Inq, leg. 50473.
112. AHN Inq, leg. 47241, no. 1.
113. A full account exists, by M. V. Caballero, “El auto de fe de 1680,” RI 3 (1994), pp. 69–140.
114. Rizzi, a colleague of Claudio Coello and other Castilian painters, seems to have been born in 1614 and died in 1685.
115. An Authentick Narrative of the Origin, Establishment and Progress of the Inquisition, London, 1748, pp. 35–39. The original account is Joseph del Olmo, Relación histórica del auto general de fe que se celebró en Madrid este año de 1680, Madrid, 1680. I have consulted the text in Bodleian Library Vet.G.3.e.6.
116. Spierenburg studies the case of Amsterdam but also has a wider perspective.
117. Fidel Fita, “La Inquisición de Logroño y un judaizante quemado en 1719,” BRAH 45 (1904).