by Henry Kamen
7. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 431–32. See also William A. Christian Jr, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Princeton, 1981.
8. Curiously, no attempt has ever been made to study anticlericalism in Spain before the nineteenth century. Historians have examined it in other European countries, because of a presumed affinity with the Reformation; but have tended to play down its importance. For a recent overview on England, see Christopher Haigh, “The Clergy and Parish Discipline in England, 1570–1640,” in Heal and Grell, chap. 6.
9. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 208–10, gives some examples from Catalonia in the 1620s.
10. The cases cited here and in the previous paragraph come from Kamen 1980, pp. 297–303.
11. Reguera, p. 28.
12. M. Angeles Cristóbal, “La Inquisición de Logroño,” in Inquisición española: Nuevas aproximaciones, Madrid, 1987, p. 141.
13. J. Contreras, “La Inquisición aragonesa,” HS 38, 76 (1985), p. 522.
14. José Sánchez Herrero, Concilios provinciales y sínodos Toledanos de los siglos XIV y XV, La Laguna, 1976.
15. Borja to Ignatius Loyola, 7 June 1546, in Monumenta historica Societatis Jesu: S. Franciscus Borgia, 5 vols., Madrid, 1896–1908, II, 520.
16. Melquiades Andrés, in Historia, I, 505.
17. This sentence is, of course, a simplification. There was no movement known as “Counter-Reformation” (a term that did not come into existence until the late nineteenth century), and the decrees of Trent had in fact been trickling out for many years before.
18. A scholar refers to “the Inquisition’s function of shaping society to conform with Counter Reformation ideals” (Giles, p. 9), but the Inquisition never had such a function, nor would anyone have known what those “ideals” were.
19. J. L. González Novalín, “Religiosidad y reforma del pueblo cristiano,” in García-Villoslada, III-1, 351–84, gives a good summary of the missionary problem in Spain.
20. The exact figure is 996, rounded upwards; data are taken from Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 263–64.
21. As in rural England: see K. Wrightson in Journal of Peasant Studies 5 (1977).
22. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, 2 vols., London, 1965, I, 109, 113.
23. Juan Antonio Alejandre and María Jesús Torquemada, Palabra de hereje. La Inquisición de Sevilla ante el delito de proposiciones, Seville, 1998; cited in Schwartz, p. 18.
24. Jean Delumeau, La peur en Occident XIVe à XVIIIe siècles: Une cité assiégée, Paris, 1978.
25. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 263–64.
26. Schwartz, p. 22, refers to “the crime of propositions,” but of course there was no such crime; the term was a bureaucratic label meant to refer to a variety of “statements.”
27. Marina Torres Arce, Un tribunal de la fe en el reinado de Felipe V. Reos, delitos y procesos en el Santo Oficio de Logroño (1700–1746), Logroño, 2002, p. 107.
28. AHN Inq, leg. 41, no. 21.
29. A recent study on related aspects of this theme is Keitt.
30. An interesting discussion of blasphemy as an expression of anger rather than irreligion, based on cases tried by the Inquisition, is given in Maureen Flynn, “Blasphemy and the Play of Anger in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” P&P 149 (1995).
31. For the early years of the new confession box in Catalonia, see Kamen, Phoenix.
32. The most recent studies are by Adelina Sarrión Mora, Sexualidad y confesión: La solicitación ante el tribunal del Santo Oficio (siglos XVI-XIX), Madrid, 1994; and most notably Haliczer 1996.
33. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.
34. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 285.
35. Cf. Jodi Bilinkoff, Related Lives: Confessors and Their Female Penitents, 1450–1750, Ithaca, 2005, p. 112.
36. The striking essay by Wietse de Boer, “At Heresy’s Door: Borromeo, Penance and Confessional Boundaries in Early Modern Europe,” in Firey, pp. 343–76, touches on the problem of social and religious order. His study The Conquest of the Soul: Confession, Discipline, and Public Order in Counter-Reformation Milan, Leiden, 2001, discusses the role of the Roman Inquisition and other authorities.
37. An overview of aspects of the confessional is given by Gretchen Starr-Le Beau, “Lay Piety and Community Identity in the Early Modern World,” in Firey, pp. 395–418.
38. During the War of Succession (see chapter 8 above), the Inquisition formally ordered penitents to denounce confessors who supported the Habsburg pretender to the throne; nothing came of this order.
39. Contreras, pp. 561, 667.
40. García Fuentes, p. 445.
41. Cf. Kamen 1980, pp. 299–300.
42. It has been argued that an analysis of several hundred interrogations from the tribunal of Toledo (J. P. Dedieu, “‘Christianisation’ en Nouvelle Castille. Catéchisme, communion, messe et confirmation dans l’archvêché de Tolède, 1540–1650,” MCV 15 [1979]) indicates an improvement in knowledge of the essentials during the late sixteenth century. The conclusion is unsafe, since the analysis was not carried out on the same persons nor on compatible age groups nor in the same communities, so no credible comparison can be made.
43. AHN Inq, leg. 79, no. 24, f. 38. My conclusions for Toledo are based on cases in AHN Inq, legs. 24, 27, 41, 90.
44. V. Pinto Crespo, “La actitud de la Inquisición ante la iconografía religiosa,” HS 31 (1978). Unfortunately, the pages on Inquisition and art by Michael Scholz-Hänsel in Roodenburg and Spierenburg, chap. 6, are lamentably inaccurate. He states: “The considerable number of Inquisitional persecutions of individual artists show how much this social group must have learned to fear early modern discipline” (p. 126). This “considerable number” appears to be imaginary.
45. A good recent study on this complex subject is Palma Martínez-Burgos, Ídolos e imágenes. La controversia del arte religioso en el siglo XVI español, Valladolid, 1990. I am grateful to the author for sending me a copy.
46. AHN Inq, leg. 15921, no. 15.
47. Cf. William A. Christian Jr., Apparitions in Late Medieval and Renaissance Spain, Princeton, 1981.
48. R. María de Hornedo, “Teatro e iglesia,” in García-Villoslada, IV, 330.
49. Isabel Testón and Mercedes Santillana, “El clero cacereño durante los siglos XVI al XVIII,” Historia moderna. Actas de las II jornadas de metodología y didáctica, Cáceres, 1983, p. 466.
50. AHN Inq, lib. 735.
51. AHN Inq, leg. 217, f. 12; Contreras, p. 561.
52. AHN Inq, lib. 217, f. 12.
53. Cf. Kamen 2007, pp. 125–26; Historia, I, pp. 1113–23, a section written by J. I. Tell-echea. The story of Molinos is closely connected to Roman politics, and has little to do with Spain.
54. Schäfer.
55. Lea, III, 447.
56. Albert Loomie, SJ, “Religion and Elizabethan Commerce with Spain,” CHR (Apr. 1964).
57. Cf. Monter 1990, pp. 248–49.
58. Cited in Angeles Cristóbal, “La Inquisición de Logroño,” p. 145.
59. Consulta of State, 31 Mar. 1653, AGS:E, leg. 2528.
60. AHN Inq, lib. 735, f. 176.
61. L. de Alberti and A. B. Wallis Chapman, eds., English Merchants and the Spanish Inquisition in the Canaries, London, 1912, p. 80, n. 1.
62. F. Fajardo Spinola, Reducciones de protestantes al catolicismo en Canarias durante el siglo XVIII: 1700–1812, Gran Canaria, 1977, pp. 48, 51.
63. Alberti and Chapman, English Merchants, p. x.
64. AGS:E, leg. 2981.
65. For a discussion of relevant problems, see Roodenburg and Spierenburg, especially chap. 1 (by Heinz Schilling) and chap. 2 (by James A. Sharpe). I disagree with Spierenburg’s claim (p. 12): “the state backing that the Inquisition enjoyed made the activities of its tribunals akin to formal social control.” The statement makes little sense if the evidence for an exercise of control does not exist.
66. That is, Castile, Aragon, the Basque country and Navarre.
67. Kamen, Phoenix, chap. 5.
68. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 263.
69
. Inquisition/citizen contact was, of course, higher in towns like Toledo and Madrid. Further studies, along the lines adopted for Catalonia, would clarify the issue of contact.
70. Sesma Muñoz, p. 23.
71. Both cases detailed in AHN Inq, lib. 735, f. 330.
72. I refer to a report in a national Spanish newspaper, El País, some years ago (13 Nov. 1996), of a woman in Pontevedra who went to the local police and denounced her husband for not performing his sexual duties towards her.
73. AHN Inq, leg. 226, no. 10.
74. James Casey, Early Modern Spain: A Social History, London and New York, 1999, p. 243.
75. 29 Jan. 1628, AHN Inq, lib. 745, ff. 226, 254.
76. AHN Inq, lib. 748, ff. 300–303.
77. Contreras, p. 683.
78. AHN Inq, lib. 735, f. 349.
79. Richard Greenleaf, cited in Historia, II, 665.
80. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 436.
81. Poska, p. 7.
82. Dedieu, p. 260.
83. The following case comes from AHN Inq, leg. 200/2, no. 51.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN. TWILIGHT OF THE HOLY OFFICE
Epigraph. Cited in Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto: Isaac Cardoso, a Study in Seventeenth-Century Marranism and Jewish Apologetics, New York, 1971, p. 392.
1. Dedieu, p. 254. I presume I have read his figures rightly.
2. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 37.
3. See Gómez-Menor, “Un judío converso de 1498.”
4. 1528 prosecution of Gaspar Mercader, AHN Inq, leg. 21551; the Badajoz case in leg. 2701.
5. Cited R. Carrasco, “Preludio al siglo de los portugueses,” Hispania 166 (1987), p. 523.
6. Licenciado Montoya to Suprema, 11 Jan. 1581, AHN Inq, leg. 27051, no. 21.
7. Caro Baroja, III, 51.
8. The debate over the religion of these conversos is qualitatively different from that over the religion of the anusim of the fifteenth century. For some aspects of converso religion, see Cecil Roth, “The Religion of the Marranos,” JQR 22 (1931); Braunstein; and I. S. Révah, “Les Marranes,” REJ (1959), p. 54.
9. Charles Amiel, “El criptojudaismo castellano en La Mancha a finales del siglo XVI,” in Alcalá 1995, pp. 503–12.
10. García Ivars, p. 205.
11. García Ivars, pp. 236–38.
12. BN, MS.721, ff. 127–31; García Fuentes; Lea, III, 267.
13. It consequently seems inadvisable to isolate them as a historical phenomenon, as though they were a separate race (which they were not) or a separate religion (which they were not either). This ethnicist approach, confusing together both pre-1492 and post-1492 conversos, and those of Spanish and Portuguese origin, is the basis of some current research (as presented by J. Contreras, “The Judeo-Converso Minority in Spain,” in Perry and Cruz).
14. Charles Amiel, “Crypto-judaisme et Inquisition. La matière juive dans les édits de foi,” Revue de l’histoire des religions 210, 2 (1993), p. 157.
15. A typical edict is reproduced in photocopy in Caro Baroja, I, 440–41.
16. As suggested by David Gitlitz, “Las presuntas profanaciones judías del ritual cristiano,” in Alcalá 1995, pp. 156–63.
17. García Ivars, p. 243.
18. García Ivars, p. 221. The Murcia cases have been referred to above, chapters 5 and 12.
19. Lea, III, 239ff; A. Herculano, História da origem e estabelecimento da Inquisição em Portugal, 3 vols., Lisbon, 1907, I, 228–86.
20. Lea, III, 259.
21. Carrasco, “Preludio,” p. 540.
22. Lea, III, 265.
23. Carrasco, “Preludio,” p. 524.
24. Bodleian Library, Oxford, Arch.Σ.130, no. 8; Gaspar Matute y Luquín, Colección de los autos generales i particulares de fe celebrados por el tribunal de la Inquisición de Córdoba, Córdoba, 1840, pp. 65, 127; BN, MS.718, f. 375, and MS.6751, f. 53.
25. Escamilla-Colin, I, 266.
26. Pilar Huerga Criado, En la raya de Portugal. Solidaridad y tensiones en la comunidad judeoconversa, Salamanca, 1993.
27. J. Blázquez Miguel, “Algunas precisiones sobre estadística,” HS 40 (1988), p. 138.
28. Carrasco, “Preludio,” p. 556.
29. Caro Baroja, I, part 1, p. 220.
30. Cf. Yosef Kaplan, “The Travels of Portuguese Jews from Amsterdam to the ‘Lands of Idolatry’ (1644–1724),” in Kaplan.
31. Graizbord, p. 4.
32. Escamilla-Colin, I, 348.
33. Lea, III, 267–70.
34. Elkan Adler, “Documents sur les Marranes d’Espagne et de Portugal sous Philippe IV,” REJ 49 (1904).
35. Caro Baroja, II, 56–57.
36. Cf. J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares, New Haven, 1986, pp. 300–304.
37. Caro Baroja, II, 59.
38. A. Domínguez Ortiz, “El proceso inquisitorial de Juan Núñez Saravía, banquero de Felipe IV,” Hispania 61 (1955).
39. Cf. James C. Boyajian, Portuguese Bankers at the Court of Spain, 1626–1650, New Brunswick, 1983, pp. 118–21.
40. The accounts of the firm are in AHN Inq, leg. 50962.
41. The source is Avisos de don Jerónimo de Barrionuevo (1654–58), published by A. Paz y Melia in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vols. 221–22, Madrid, 1968.
42. The Montesinos accounts are in AHN Inq, leg. 49711.
43. BN, MS.718. f. 375.
44. This and the following cases from Kamen 1980, pp. 305–6.
45. García Ivars, p. 250.
46. For Sabbatai, see the masterly work of Gerschom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, 1626–1676, Princeton, 1973.
47. Miriam Bodian, “‘Men of the Nation’: The Shaping of Converso Identity in Early Modern Europe,” P&P 143 (1994), p. 66. The emerging perspectives of Jews in Europe at this time are strikingly discussed by David Ruderman, Early Modern Jewry, especially chap. 6: “Toward Modernity: Some Final Thoughts.”
48. The thought of Cardoso is analyzed by Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto; and there is a perceptive essay on his life in Enrique Ruspoli, La marca del exilio, Madrid, 1992.
49. I. S. Révah, “Un pamphlet d’Antonio Enríquez Gómez,” REJ 121 (1962).
50. See N. Kramer-Hellinx, “Antonio Enriquez Gómez: Desafío de la Inquisición,” in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 289–307.
51. Maxim Kerkhof, “La ‘Inquisición de Luzifer y visita de todos los diablos,’” Sefarad 38 (1978).
52. A stimulating perspective of the Portuguese “nation” in its Jewish and imperial role is given by Daviken Studwicki-Gizbert, A Nation upon the Ocean Sea: Portugal’s Atlantic Diaspora and the Crisis of the Spanish Empire, 1492–1640, Oxford, 2007.
53. A look at Iberian conversos in Europe is offered by Renee L. Melammed, A Question of Identity: Iberian Conversos in Historical Perspective, New York, 2004.
54. Details from the superb study by Yosef Kaplan, From Christianity to Judaism: The Story of Isaac Orobio de Castro, Oxford, 1989.
55. Kaplan, Orobio de Castro, p. 323.
56. Yirmiyahu Yovel, for instance, sees the displaced conversos as influential in the creation of “Western modernization”: Yovel, chap. 9.
57. Cited in Kamen 1980, p. 304.
58. J. B. Vilar Ramírez, El Dr Diego Mateo Zapata (1664–1745), Murcia, 1970.
59. For both men, see A. Domínguez Ortiz, Hechos y figuras del siglo XVIII español, Madrid, 1973, pp. 159–91.
60. BN, MS.9475; Joseph del Olmo, Relación; Matute y Luquín, Colección. p. 210.
61. Angela Selke, Vida y muerte de los Chuetas de Mallorca, Madrid, 1980, is a brilliant and moving account.
62. Inquisición de Mallorca. Reconciliados y relajados 1488–1691, Barcelona, 1946, pp. 201–75.
63. Inquisición de Mallorca, pp. 109–99.
64. Braunstein gives the best documented study.
65. Teófanes Egido, in Historia, I, 1386. For repression in Cuenca, see R. de Lera García, “La última gran persecución inquisitorial contra el criptojudai
smo: el tribunal de Cuenca 1718–1725,” Sefarad 47, 1 (1987).
66. Escamilla-Colin, I, 874.
67. Teófanes Egido, in Historia, I, 1397.
68. Lea, III, 311.
69. G. Desdevises du Dézert, “Notes sur l’Inquisition espagnole au dix-huitième siècle,” RH 6 (1899).
70. A recent Socialist government in Spain funded in 2005 the establishment of a so-called Alliance of Civilizations that aimed to foster links between Spain and Islamic countries but expressly excluded any participation by Israel.
71. The Bible in Spain, London, 1930, p. 155.
72. A Journey through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787, 3 vols., London, 1792, III, 84.
73. See the informative article by Gustavo D. Perednik, “Naïve Spanish Judeophobia,” in Jewish Political Studies Review 15, 3–4 (Fall 2003).
74. Because of the low-key profile of the Inquisition in the eighteenth century, I have intentionally omitted any treatment of its role in that period. The most relevant aspect is cultural, on which there are four classic studies: Jean Sarrailh, L’Espagne éclairée de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1954; Richard Herr, The Eighteenth-Century Revolution in Spain, Princeton, 1958; Marcelin Defourneaux, L’Inquisition espagnole et les livres français au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1963; and Joel Saugnieux, Le Jansénisme espagnol du XVIIIe siècle, ses composants et ses sources, Oviedo, 1975.
75. Llorente 1817–18, IV, 92.
76. Luis Alonso Tejada, Ocaso de la Inquisición en los últimos años del reinado de Fernando VII, Madrid, 1969, p. 43.
77. Lea, IV, 461.
78. Thomas Aikenhead, a student from Edinburgh, was the last person in Britain to be executed for blasphemy, in 1697. This was eighty-five years after the death of Edward Wightman, the last person to be burned at the stake for heresy in England (1612).
CHAPTER FIFTEEN. INVENTING THE INQUISITION
1. Chap. 5 in Peters gives a discussion ranging over the whole of Europe. The present chapter is restricted mainly to how Spaniards (rather than Europeans) saw and see the Inquisition.
2. Quoted in Hillgarth, Mirror, p. 234.
3. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Obras completas, 4 vols., Pozoblanco, 1995–2000, II, 96.