Richard III and the Murder in the Tower

by Peter A. Hancock

  8. In the present account, I rely quite extensively on the most helpful and informative article by Wood (Wood, C.T. ‘On the deposition of Edward V.’ Traditio, 31 (1975), 247-286). Unfortunately, Wood’s acceptance of Hanham’s re-dating of the execution of William, Lord Hastings represents, in my view, a fatal flaw in his subsequent interpretation of events. Thus, I have used much of the evidentiary basis of his argument but reject his conclusions, since I believe that the original date for Hastings’ death on Friday 13 June 1483 is both correct and critical.

  9. Wood (1975), op. cit.

  10. It has been suggested that Polydore Vergil dated Richard’s aspirations for the throne from the date of his brother’s death. As we shall see, this assertion is not supported by the hard evidence (and see Seward, D. The War of the Roses (p. 259). Viking: New York, 1995). Others also speculate upon Richard’s decision-making process, including Ross, who sees Richard’s actions as largely reactive rather than proactive.

  11. Pollard, A. J. The Middleham Connection: Richard III and Richmondshire 1471-1485 (p. 1). Old School Arts Workshop: Middleham, 1983.

  12. It was a threat that persisted in history until the terrible aftermath of Culloden (16 April 1746) and the subsequent depopulation due to changes in agricultural strategy, see Sked, P. Culloden. National Trust for Scotland, Thomsom: Edinburgh, 1997. See also the Cely Letter for a contemporary confirmation (Appendix 1: The Cely, York and Stallworth Letters).

  13. Richard was most probably at Middleham when he received news of his brother’s death (Mancini, 1483 [1989, p. 71]). The message was sent, not through official channels but according to Mancini by William, Lord Hastings.

  14. And see Myers, A. R. ‘The Character of Richard III.’ History Today, 4 (1954), 511-521.

  15. See Kendall, P. M. Richard III: The Great Debate. W.W. Norton: New York, 1965.

  16. Upon hearing of his brother’s death and his nephew’s accession, Richard had a requiem mass said in the chapel at Middleham and later at York he had his own men and the magistrates of the city swear allegiance to the new king (Kendall (1955), p. 195).

  17. Kendall (1955), op. cit., p. 194. See also: Moreton, C. E. ‘A local dispute and the politics of 1483: Roger Townshend, Earl Rivers, and the Duke of Gloucester.’ The Ricardian, 107 (1989), 305-307. And also the replies by, Wigram, I. & Thone, M. ‘A local dispute and the politics of 1483: Two reactions.’ The Ricardian, 109 (1990), 414-416.

  18. Mancini (1483), op cit., p. 71. The desire to help Richard was also compounded by Hastings’ antipathy to the Woodville clan, especially the queen and her son by her first marriage.

  19. It is reported that Edward V and his party had moved on from Northampton to Stony Stratford when the apparent expectation was that the respective groups would meet in Northampton itself. However, it may well be that the Woodville party actually moved on to Grafton Regis, their family home, which is on the direct route from Northampton to Stony Stratford and only a few miles from the agreed meeting place in the county town. This understandable progress toward the family home might well have been interpreted as an effort to reach London before Richard. If this proposition is correct it may have been an influence, albeit an unwitting one, on behalf of the Woodville party, on Richard’s decision to act. Alternatively, the traditional story cannot be excluded and the Woodvilles were making an understandable effort to reach London, the base of power, first.

  20. Sutton, A. F. ‘The Hautes of Kent.’ The Ricardian, 77 (1982), 54-57. She comments that he ‘may have been arrested and imprisoned,’ but that he appears to have entered into a bond of 700 marks with William Catesby. This seems very much to be related to Catesby’s strong desire to acquire the manor at Welton, and see Appendix VI.

  21. See Smith, G. ‘Hastings and the news from Stony Stratford.’ Ricardian Bulletin, Summer 2006, 48-49.

  22. Indeed, Elizabeth Woodville had given birth to the future Edward V, her eldest son by Edward IV, while in sanctuary at Westminster Abbey some years early on 4 November 1470.

  23. Originally, the coronation had been scheduled for this day, 4 May, but at best that was a very ambitious undertaking in all senses of the word. The postponement to a later, more reasonable date, did not connote any obvious, malevolent action on behalf of the Protector.

  24. For example, on 14 May John Howard was appointed by Richard as Chief Steward of the Duchy of Lancaster, who returned the favour next day by presenting Richard with a gold cup weighing over 4lbs.

  25. In one of the Stallworth letters, the date is indicated as the 23rd, since the letter is written on the 9th and the quote is ‘this day fortnight’, i.e. 23 June (see Appendix 1: The Cely, York, and Stallworth letters).

  26. See Wood (1975), op. cit., p. 252.

  27. See de Blieck, E. Analysis of Crowland’s Section on the Usurpation of Richard III. 2003. Retrieved from: www.deremilitari.org/resources/articles/deblieck.htm.

  28. And see http://groups.msn.com/EdwardtheFifth/earlyjune1483.msnw

  29. See Edwards, R. The Itinerary of Richard III 1483-1485 (p. 3). Alan Sutton, for the Richard III Society: London, 1983; British Library Harleian Manuscript 433, p. 9; Public Records Office, Privy Seal Office 1/56/2847.

  30. On 9 June, Simon Stallworth had written in his letter to Sir William Stonor that: “My lady of Gloucestre came to London on thorsday last.” (The full text of this letter is reproduced in Appendix 1: the Cely, York, and Stallworth Letters).

  31. Extracts from the York records. See Davies, R. (Extracts from the Municipal Records of the City of York. J. Nichols & Son: London, 1843.

  32. Indeed, a letter was sent one day later from Edward V under the direction of the Lord Protector confirming that Dame Alice Savile of Hull was to have one ton of wine yearly. As Wigram (1963) noted, one wonder what service Alice had performed for Edward IV to deserve such a reward?

  33. This letter was addressed to Otes Gilbert Esq. It is reprinted in H. Ellis, Royal Letters (p. 147) from an original document in the British Museum, Harleian Manuscript, 433, fol. 227. And see also: Strickland, A. Lives of the Bachelor Kings of England (p. 143). Sempkin, Marshall, & Co.: London, 1861.

  34. De Commines, P. The Memoirs of Phillip de Commines, Lord of Argenton. Bohn: London, 1855. Originally written in the interval between 1488 and 1494, with a mean date of 1491, De Commines mentions the bishop and the pre-contract in two sections of his work (Volume I, ppp 395-396, and Volume II, pp 63-64). In neither of these extracts does he identify a date for his revelation of this information.

  35. Markham, C. R. Richard III: His Life & Character (pp 93-102). Smith, Elder, & Co.: London, 1906.

  36. See Stallworth Letter in Appendix 1: The Cely, York and Stallworth Letters.

  37. See also Levine, M. ‘Richard III – Usurper or Lawful King?’ Speculum, 34 (1959), 391-401.

  38. Carpernter, C. (ed.). Kingsford’s Stonor Letter and Papers. 1290-1483 (pp 159-160). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

  39. Davies, R. Extracts from the Municipal Records of the City of York during the Reigns of Edward IV, Edward V, and Richard III (pp 149-150), J.B. Nichols & Son: London, 1843. The text of the letter is reproduced in Appendix 1.

  40. Wood, op. cit.

  41. See Kendall, op. cit., p. 246.

  42. See Pronay, N. & Cox, J. (eds). The Croyland Chronicle Continuations (p. 159). Alan Sutton, for the Richard III Society: London, 1986.

  43. See Hancock, P. A. ‘No Richard, Rhyme nor Reason.’ The Medelai Gazette, 14 (3) (2007), 16-22.

  44. The traditional explanation that has been offered has been summarised most recently by Hicks, M. Edward V: The Prince in the Tower (pp 159-161), Tempus: Stroud, Glos, 2003. He notes: ‘The explanation traditionally advanced from 1483 onwards, that Hastings’ commitment to Gloucester stopped short of the throne, is surely correct.’ I do not think this is surely correct or even probably correct; the following text seeks to articulate why I hold this belief.

  45. More, T. The History of Richard III. 1513. Retrieved from: http
://www.uoregon.edu/~rbear/r3.html. See also the text by R. S. Sylvester of this same book (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976).

  46. A consideration of the relation between Richard, Duke of Gloucester and John Morton is given in: Worth, S. ‘Richard & the Parson of Blokesworth.’ Ricardian Register, 26 (3) (2001), 4-7.

  47. See Moorhen, W. E. A. ‘William, Lord Hastings and the Crisis of 1483: An Assessment. Part 1.’ The Ricardian, 122 (1993), 446-466, and also, Moorhen, W. E. A. ‘William, Lord Hastings and the Crisis of 1483: An Assessment. Part 2 (conclusion).’ The Ricardian, 123 (1993), 482-497 for a full and important discussion of this whole interval, and especially the motivations of the events of this particular day, (and see also the website http://richardiii.net/r3%20controv%20hastings.htm).

  48. See Wood, C.T. ‘If Strawberries Were Ripe on June 13, Was October 2 Really Richard III’s Birthday?’ Paper given at the 1993 meeting of the American Branch of the Richard III Society, and Hancock, P. A. (‘On the Trail of King Richard III.’ Ricardian Register, 29 (1) (2004), 8-10.

  49. See More, T. in Sylvester, R. S. (1976), p. 47.

  50. It is this particular inversion that Croyland, in his terse comments, took note of.

  51. Tower Green subsequently assumed a much more dire reputation as the place where the Tudors dispatched many individuals in much more ‘formal’ proceedings.

  52. Croyland Chronicle, op. cit., p. 159.

  53. See Worth (2001), op. cit.

  54. As seems to be represented in the Cely Letter, see Appendix 1: The Cely, York, and Stallworth Letters.

  55. It was this same Oliver King who appears later to have been an executor of the will of Cecily, Duchess of York, mother of both Edward IV and Richard III. He also (later in 1495) succeeded Stillington as Bishop of Bath & Wells.

  56. We must remember that the mayor was Sir Edmund Shaa (and see Blunden-Ellis, J. ‘ Sir Edmund Shaa, Kt., P.C. 1427?-1488 Lord Mayor of London.’ The Ricardian, 45 (1974), 11-15). It was his brother, Ralph Shaa, who went on to preach that ‘bastard slips shall not take root’ at St Paul’s Cross (the alternative wording being: ‘The ungodly shall not thrive, nor take deep rooting from bastard slips’). The mayor, Edmund Shaa, was a northerner by birth and it may have been this affinity that threw his support behind Richard at this time, although he is reputed to have been shown written proofs of the illegitimacy of the sons of Edward IV. The support of the Mayor of London may have proved pivotal in the same way that de Bleick argues that the support of the troops in the capital was essential. The mayor may well have had influence over the indigenous populace. Thus both brothers Shaa had a significant hand in the issue of Richard’s assumption of the throne (and see www.tameside.gov.uk/blueplaque/siredmundshaa/).

  57. cf. Thompson, C. J. S. The Witchery of Jane Shore. Grayson & Grayson: London, 1933.

  58. See York Letters, op. cit. and the quoted Neville Letter.

  59. See http://www.r3.org/basics/basic7.html

  60. And see Hancock, P. A. ‘On images of the “Princes in the Tower”.’ Ricardian Register, 30 (1) (2005), 4-18.

  61. See HMSO The Tower of London (p. 6). HMSO: London, 1974.

  62. York Civic Records, op. cit., essentially communicating that the putative Parliament of Edward V being cancelled, required no attendant representatives of the people of York.

  63. For more on Robert Brakenbury see Hampton, W. E. ‘Sir Robert Brakenbury of Selaby, County Durham.’ The Ricardian, 90 (1985), 97-114. Within this article, on pp 100-101, Hampton refers more directly to the messenger, John Brakenbury.

  64. Wood (1975), op. cit., p. 260, argues from comparable evidence derived from the corporation records of New Romney that while the 17th is the most probable date, the afternoon of the 16th also remains a viable possibility.

  65. Lord Lisle was Edward Grey, brother to Elizabeth Woodville’s first husband. He was married to a grand-daughter of John Talbot, 1st Earl of Shrewsbury. Thus his wife was Eleanor Butler’s niece. He was created Viscount Lisle by Richard III in the first week of his reign. Could the understanding, derived through his family connections, that the pre-contract was real, have anything to do with his rapprochement with Richard? I suspect that it might.

  66. See Mancini, op. cit., and York Civic Records, op. cit.

  67. Kendall, op. cit,, p. 256, says ‘The Lord Protector often rode through the city these days with a great train of lords and attendants.’ On p. 262 Kendall notes more generally that ‘the streams of visitors to Crosby Place and Baynard’s Castle, the splendor of the train with which Richard, having relinquished black, now rode in purple through the city.’ and on p. 261 he suggests that it was now that Richard disclosed the revelation of the pre-contract to the rest of the council. In respect to some of these observations it is hard to tell whether Kendall has direct evidence or is using some artistic license to draw reasonable but essentially unsupported conclusions.

  68. And see Wood, op. cit.

  69. An interesting discussion of possible early dissension with respect to Richard’s reign is provided for example by Hicks, M. ‘Unweaving the web: The plot of July 1483 against Richard III and its wider significance.’ The Ricardian, 114 (1991), 106-109. However, extended discussion of the next phase of Richard’s life is not the central focus here at this time.

  70. The mayor, Edmund Shaa, is commemorated by a plaque on Church Brow in Mottram in Longendale, Lancashire.

  71. Although there are a number of potential grounds for Richard taking the throne which historians suggest were tried at the time, e.g. the bastardy of Edward IV himself, the references to bastard slips sounds more like the illegitimacy of the princes here. If it were a reference to Edward it would most probably be singular. A more complete set of references concerning the specific claim can be seen in: Sheperd, K. R. ‘The title of the King: Aspects of Richard III’s Act of Succession.’ The Ricardian, 94 (1986), 281-286.

  72. Mancini, op. cit.

  73. More, op. cit.

  74. Testamenta Vetusta.

  75. And see also the article by Williams, B. ‘Richard III and Pontefract.’ The Ricardian, 86 (1984), 366-370.

  76. Croyland noted that: ‘second innocent blood which was shed on the occasion of this sudden change.’ Op. cit., p. 161.

  77. This is an assumption embraced by Wood (1975) op. cit., p. 263, who believed the warrants were brought by the same messenger who communicated the writ of supersedes to the city of York which arrived there on the 21st, Sherriff Hutton being about half a day’s ride north of that city.

  78. It was on this day that Richard began his formal reign, as we can see by the letter of instruction to Lord Mountjoy and others concerning the disposition of concerns related to the port of Calais and particularly the oath previously sworn to Edward V. See Gairdner, J. Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII (p. 12). London: HMSO, 1861.

  79. The relevant excerpt from the Croyland Chronicle (p. 159) reads: ‘on the 26th day of the same month of June Richard, the protector, claimed for himself the government of the kingdom, with the name and title of king.’

  80. Sutton, A. F. ‘The city of London and Coronation of Richard III: Points of interest.’ The Ricardian, 63 (1978), 2-8.

  81. Again, see Wood, op. cit.

  Chapter 2: Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler

  1. Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned queen. The Lady Eleanor Talbot. Lady Butler.’ The Ricardian, 11, (139) (1997), 166-190; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Further reflections on Lady Eleanor Talbot.’ The Ricardian, 11, (144) (1999), 463-467; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘The inquisition post mortem of Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler, 1468.’ The Ricardian, 12, (159) (2002), 563-573; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Lady Eleanor Talbot’s other husband.’ The Ricardian, 14 (2004), 62-81; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘The endowments of Lady Eleanor Talbot and Elizabeth Talbot, Duchess of Norfolk, at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.’ The Ricardian, 14 (2004), 82-94; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘The go-between.’ The Ricardian, 15 (2005), 119-121; Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Lady Eleano
r Talbot: New evidence: New answers; New questions.’ The Ricardian: Journal of the Richard III Society, 16 (2006), 113-132. And now, Ashdown-Hill, J (2009) Eleanor: The Secret Queen. The History Press, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

  2. Ashdown-Hill (2006), p. 113.

  3. Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned queen. The Lady Eleanor Talbot. Lady Butler.’ The Ricardian, 11, (139) (1997), 166-190.

  4. Sweeney, J. ‘Eleanor Butler, Queen to Edward IV.’ The Medelai Gazette, 3 (3) (1996), 18-19, states that the second marriage occurred in 1425.

  5. These pictures are among the oldest English paintings in existence and come from the house, Compton Wynyates, in Warwickshire where they apparently descended through the family of Margaret Beauchamp. The representations show the father and mother of Lady Eleanor Talbot and perhaps give some idea of what Eleanor must have looked like. This topic that is explored further in later discussion.

  6. Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned Queen: The Lady Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler.’ The Ricardian, 11 (1997), 166-190.

  7. Op. cit. p. 168.

  8. But also see Routh, P. S. ‘”Lady Scroop daughter of K. Edward”: An enquiry.’ The Ricardian, 121 (1993), 410-416, especially see the observations on p. 413.

  9. From Littlebury’s Directory and Gazetteer of Herefordshire, 1876-7, and see http://www.genuki.org.uk/big/eng/HEF/Goodrich/History1876.html

  10. For an analysis of Eleanor’s relations with her-in-laws, especially her first mother-in-law (Elizabeth Norbury), and her connection with Francis, Lord Lovell through her second mother-in-law (Alice Deincourt), see Ashdown-Hill, J. Eleanor: The Secret Queen (p. 89) The History Press: Stroud, Glos, 2009. See also Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Lady Eleanor Talbot’s other husband.’ The Ricardian, 14 (2004), 62-81. In the cited text (Ashdown-Hill, 2009, p. 58) he has also suggested that Thomas Butler may have spent a part of his early life in the Talbot household. Hence, his association with Eleanor may have been from her childhood. This speculation helps explain the subsequent disparity in rank at the time of their later marriage since the initial agreement may have been made much earlier when the two families were of essentially equal status.