Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXXIV

  THUS had the barbarians apportioned the Roman empire among themselves. But later on the Gepaedes and the Lombards, having come to be neighbours, became exceedingly hostile toward one another. And they were extremely enthusiastic in their desire to fight each other, so that each nation was eager to do battle with the enemy, and a fixed time had been determined upon for the encounter. But the Lombards, thinking that they alone by their own strength would never be a match for the Gepaedes in battle (for they were, in fact, outnumbered by their enemy), decided to invite the Romans to an alliance. Accordingly they sent envoys to the Emperor Justinian begging him to send them an army. And when the Gepaedes learned this, they too sent envoys to Byzantium to present the same request. Now the Gepaedes were ruled at that time by Thorisin, and the others by Adouin. So the Emperor Justinian decided indeed to hear the statement of each of them, but he did not wish them to come at the same time, but to appear before him separately. First the Lombards came into the emperor’s presence and spoke as follows.

  “We, for our part, O Emperor, have been astounded at the outrageous conduct of the Gepaedes, seeing that, although they have already perpetrated crimes both many and great against your realm, as we all know, they have now come before you to offer you, in fact, the greatest possible insult. For they, and they only, can be said to put the utmost insult upon their neighbours, who imagine that these are so very easily deceived that they come to them with the intention of profiting by the simplicity of those very men whom they have already wronged. Now we ask you to give careful consideration to one matter only, the question namely as to what attitude the Gepaedes assume toward their friends. For thus you could with the greatest certainty assure the welfare of the Roman empire, since men are always able to infer safely from previous events what the future will bring forth. If, now, it were true that the nation of the Gepaedes had displayed their ingratitude only to some other people, it would have been necessary for us to occupy much time with a long speech and to bring in testimony from outside, in striving to demonstrate the base character of the men; but as it is, we are enabled to choose an example near at hand from your own experience.

  “This is what we would have you consider: the Goths formerly held the land of Dacia as a tributary province, while all the Gepaedes dwelt originally on the other side of the Ister, being in such mortal terror of the Gothic power, on the one hand, that they never succeeded in crossing the stream, or even attempting it, while they were, on the other hand, on terms of close alliance and friendship with the Romans, and every year they received from the former emperors many gifts in the name of friendship, and indeed they have received them from thee in no less generous measure. We should be glad then to ask these gentlemen what good thing they have done for the Romans in return for these benefits. But they would not be able to mention one such thing, great or small. Now as long as they had no means of doing you wrong, they remained quiet, not because of any conviction on their part, but because they were compelled by lack of opportunity to do so. For you, on your part, did not seek to lay any claim to the country beyond the Ister, while the fear inspired by the Goths always frightened them from the land on this side. But who indeed would call impotence gratitude? And what assurance of friendship could be based on inability to commit an offence? None, O Emperor, none; these things cannot be. For opportunity alone reveals the nature of a man, bringing out his character to the common gaze of all because of his freedom to act. For behold, at the very moment the Gepaedes saw that the Goths had been driven from all Dacia, while you, on your part, were busily engaged in fighting your enemies, the cursed wretches have dared to trespass upon your land in every part.

  “How could anyone adequately depict in words the outrageous nature of their action? Did they not heap contempt upon the Roman empire? Did they not break the bonds of both treaty and alliance? Did they not insult those whom they should never have treated thus? Did they not do violence to an empire whose slaves they would crave the privilege of being should you find any leisure to deal with them? The Gepaedes, O Emperor, are holding Sirmium and enslaving Romans, and they make the boast that they are in possession of all Dacia. Yet what war have they ever won fighting in your behalf, or with you, or against you? Or what struggle do they consider has brought them this land as a prize? And in spite of all this, they have often been in your pay and have been receiving their payments, as previously stated, for we know not how long a time. And yet there has never been in all time an act more despicable than this present embassy of theirs. For as soon as they saw that we were eager to make war on them, they had the hardihood to come to Byzantium and appear before the emperor who has been so grievously insulted by them. In sooth they will, perhaps, in their excess of shamelessness, invite you to form an alliance of arms against us who have been so favoured by you. And verily if they have come with the purpose of giving back what they have usurped without any right, the Lombards should be counted by the Romans most responsible for that benefit, if they are really constrained through fear of them unwillingly to change their course and manifest gratitude late in the day. For naturally he who creates the constraint will be thanked by him who receives the benefit. But if indeed they have decided even now to retreat from none of their usurped holdings, what could surpass such baseness?

  “This then shall be our plea, expressed with barbarian simplicity, with scant words, and in no way worthily of the situation. But we beg that thou, O Emperor, after carefully weighing what we have said less adequately than the facts deserve, take that course of action which will redound to the benefit both of the Romans and of the Lombards, thy people, calling to mind this, in addition to all other considerations, that while the Romans will justly take sides with us, seeing that we have been in agreement from the first as regards religion, they will stand in opposition to our opponents for the simple reason that they are Arians.”

  Thus spoke the Lombards. On the following day the envoys of the Gepaedes in turn came before the emperor and spoke as follows: “It may fairly be expected, O Emperor, that those who approach a neighbouring state with a request to form an alliance of arms, should first demonstrate that they have come with a just request and with proposals of advantage to those who are to form the alliance, and then speak on the matters of which they have come to treat. In the first place, then, that we have been wronged by the Lombards is evident from the facts themselves; for we are eager to settle our difficulties by arbitration, and those who are bent on arbitration can have nothing to do with violence. In the second place, why should one, in order to prove that the Gepaedes are far superior to the Lombards both in multitude and in valour, address long speeches to those who know? Now the policy of entering a conflict on the side of the weaker contestant and thus getting into an evil plight which has been foreseen, though the opportunity is offered of having the victory without danger by arraying oneself with the more powerful contestant, is not one, we think, which any men gifted with even a little discretion would choose. Consequently you also will find, when you go forth against another enemy, that the Gepaedes hereafter will array themselves with you, thus paying a debt of gratitude for what you have done, and by their overwhelming power helping you in all probability to achieve the overmastery of your foes. Furthermore, it would be in point for you to consider this fact also, that while the Lombards have become friends of the Romans on the spur of the moment, the Gepaedes have been in alliance with you and well known to you from ancient times. And friendship cemented by long continuance is not easily dissolved. Consequently you will acquire not only powerful, but also steadfast, allies. These, then, are the just grounds on the basis of which we invite you to form this alliance.

  “Now observe what manner of men the Lombards are. At first they absolutely refused to settle our differences by arbitration, though we invited them repeatedly to do so, overcome, as they were, by unreasoning boldness. But now that the war has come almost to an actual engagement, they, making a tardy retreat from their position because th
ey realize fully their own weakness, have come to you, asking the Romans to take up the unjust struggle in their behalf. Doubtless these thieves bring up the case of Sirmium and a few other towns in Dacia, and put this forward as a pretext on which you may enter this war. And yet thy empire comprises such an overabundance both of cities and of lands that thou art actually searching for men upon whom thou couldst confer some part of it for their habitation. Indeed thou hast bestowed upon the Franks and the nation of the Eruli and these Lombards such generous gifts of both cities and lands, O Emperor, that no one could enumerate them all. But we, emboldened by thy friendship, have accomplished that which thou didst wish, and truly, when a man has formed the purpose of parting with some one of his possessions, he thinks far less highly of one who waits to receive his gift than of one who anticipates Ins purpose and takes the gift by his own decision, provided such an one does not appear to have claimed the right to take this course in a spirit of insolence toward the possessor, but in a spirit of confidence in the strong friendship he feels toward him; and this is exactly the attitude of the Gepaedes toward the Romans. We ask you, then, to recall these things and, preferably, to observe the terms of our alliance by throwing all your strength into the conflict on our side against the Lombards, otherwise, to stand aside for both. For in reaching such a decision you are acting with justice and greatly to the advantage of the Roman empire.”

  Such was the speech of the Gepaedes, whom the Emperor Justinian, after long deliberation, decided to send away with their mission unaccomplished; but he made a sworn alliance of arms with the Lombards, and then sent them more than ten thousand horsemen commanded by Constantianus, Bouzes, and Aratius. Associated with them also was John the nephew of Vitalian, who had received previous instructions from the emperor that, as soon as they should fight a decisive battle with the nation of the Gepaedes, he should hasten thence to Italy with his troops. For he, too, as it happened, had returned from Italy. They also took with them as allies fifteen hundred Eruli, commanded by Philemuth and others. For, except for these, the whole nation of the Eruli, to the number of three thousand, were arrayed with the Gepaedes, since they had revolted from the Romans not long before for a cause which I have set forth above.

  Now a detachment of the Romans who were marching to join the Lombards as allies unexpectedly chanced upon some of the Eruli with Aordus, the brother of their ruler. And a fierce battle ensued in which the Romans were victorious, and they slew both Aordus and many of the Eruli. Then the Gepaedes, upon learning that the Roman army was close at hand, straightway settled their disagreement with the Lombards, and so these barbarians made a treaty of peace with each other, contrary to the will of the Romans. When the Roman army learned this, they found themselves involved in a very perplexing situation. For neither were they able to continue their advance nor could they retrace their steps, because the generals feared lest both Gepaedes and Eruli would overrun and plunder the land of Illyricum. At any rate, they remained there and reported their situation to the emperor. Such was the course of these events. But I shall return to the point in my narrative from which I strayed.

  XXXV

  THE journey of Belisarius to Byzantium was an inglorious one; for five years he had not disembarked anywhere on the soil of Italy, nor had he succeeded in making a single inarch there by land, but he had been obliged to conceal himself by flight during this whole time, always sailing without interruption from one fortified coast-town to some other stronghold along the shore. As a result of this the enemy, having now little to fear, had enslaved Rome and everything else, practically speaking. It was on this occasion also that he abandoned Perusia, the leading city of Tuscany, though it was very closely besieged; indeed it was captured by storm while he was still on his way. After reaching Byzantium he took up a permanent residence there, having now amassed a great fortune and being greatly admired because of his earlier successes, just as the Deity had foretold to him by an unmistakable sign before he made the expedition to Libya.

  Now the sign was as follows. Belisarius had an inherited property in the suburb of Byzantium which is called Panteichion, and is situated on the opposite mainland. On this property, shortly before the time when Belisanus was about to lead the Roman army against Gelimer and Libya, it so happened that his vines bore a great abundance of grapes.

  And with the wine thus produced his servants had filled a great quantity of jars, which they placed in the wine-cellar, burying the lower part of them in the earth and smearing the upper part carefully with clay. But eight months later the wine in some jars, as it began to ferment, burst the clay with which each of them had been sealed; then it ran over the tops of the jars and, flowing copiously, covered the ground around with such a flood that it actually formed a great pool on the floor there. When the servants saw this, they were filled with amazement; and they were able to fill many amphoras from it, after which they again stopped up those same jars with clay and remained silent about the matter. But when they had seen this happen many times at about the same date, they did report the matter to their master, and he, for his part, gathered many of his friends there and displayed the phenomenon; whereupon they foretold that many blessings would fall upon that house, basing their conclusion upon this sign.

  Such was the fortune of Belisarius. But Vigilius, the chief priest of Rome, together with the Italians who were in the city at that time (and there were many very notable men there), was giving the emperor no respite from his entreaty to stand forth with all his power as champion of Italy. But Justinian was influenced most of all by Gothigus, a man of patrician rank who had long before this time risen to the dignity of the consular office; for he, too, had recently come to Byzantium for this very purpose. Now although the emperor did promise to concern himself personally with Italy, still he was devoting his time for the most part to the doctrines of the Christians, seeking eagerly and with great determination to make a satisfactory settlement of the questions disputed among them.

  Such was the situation in Byzantium. Meanwhile one of the Lombards had fled to the Gepaedes for the following reason. When Vaces was ruler of the Lombards, he had a nephew named Risiulfus, who, according to the law, would be called to the royal power whenever Vaces should die. So Vaces, seeking to make provision that the kingdom should be conferred upon his own son, brought an unjustified accusation against Risiulfus and penalized the man with banishment. He then departed from his home with a few friends and fled immediately to the Varni, leaving behind him two children. But Vaces bribed these barbarians to kill Risiulfus. As for the children of Risiulfus, one of them died of disease, while the other, Ildiges by name, fled to the Sclaveni.

  Now not long after this Vaces fell sick and passed from the world, and the rule of the Lombards fell to Valdarus, the son of Vaces. But since he was very young, Audoum was appointed regent over him and administered the government. And since he possessed great power as a result of this, he himself seized the rule after no long time, the child having immediately passed from the world by a natural death. Now when the war arose between the Gepaedes and the Lombards, as already told, Ildiges went straight to the Gepaedes taking with him not only those of the Lombards who had followed him, but also many of the Sclaveni, and the Gepaedes were in hopes of restoring him to the kingdom. But on account of the treaty which had now been made with the Lombards, Audouin straightway requested the Gepaedes, as friends, to surrender Ildiges; they, however, refused absolutely to give up the man, but they did order him to depart from their country and save himself wherever he wished. He, then, without delay, took with him his followers and some volunteers of the Gepaedes and came back to the Sclaveni. And departing from there, he went to join Totila and the Goths, having with him an army of not less than six thousand men. Upon his arrival in Venetia, he encountered some Romans commanded by Lazarus, and engaging with them he routed the force and killed many. He did not, however, unite with the Goths, but recrossed the Ister River and withdrew once more to the Sclaveni.

  While these e
vents were taking place in the manner described, one of the guardsmen of Belisarius, Indulf by name and of barbarian birth, a passionate and energetic fellow, who had been left in Italy, went over to Totila and the Goths for no good reason. And Totila straightway sent him with a large army and a fleet to Dalmatia. So be came to the place called Mouicurum, which is a coast town situated very near Salones, and at first, being a Roman and a member of Belisarius’ suite, he mingled with the people of the town; then however he raised his own sword, urged his followers to do the same, and suddenly killed them all. Then, taking all the valuables as plunder, he departed from there and descended upon another fortress situated on the coast, which the Romans call Laureate. Here he entered the town and slew those who fell in his way.

  When Claudian, who was commander of Salones at that time, learned this, he sent an army against him on dromones, as they are called. And when this force reached Laureate, they engaged with the enemy. But they were overwhelmingly defeated in the battle and took to flight, wherever each man could, abandoning their ships in the harbour. And it so happened that the other boats were there laden with grain and other provisions. All these Indulf and the Goths captured, and, after killing all whom they met and making plunder of the valuables, they returned to Totila. And the winter drew to a close and the fourteenth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written. [649 A.D.]