Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  VII.

  A little later Cabades was owing the king of the Ephthalitae a sum of money which he was not able to pay him, and he therefore requested the Roman emperor Anastasius to lend him this money. Whereupon Anastasius conferred with some of his friends and enquired of them whether this should be done; and they would not permit him to make the loan. For, as they pointed out, it was inexpedient to make more secure by means of their money the friendship between their enemies and the Ephthalitae; indeed it was better for the Romans to disturb their relations as much as possible. It was for this reason, and for no just cause, that Cabades decided to make an expedition against the Romans. [502 A.D.] First he invaded the land of the Armenians, moving with such rapidity as to anticipate the news of his coming, and, after plundering the greater part of it in a rapid campaign, he unexpectedly arrived at the city of Amida, which is situated in Mesopotamia, and, although the season was winter, he invested the town. Now the citizens of Amida had no soldiers at hand, seeing that it was a time of peace and prosperity, and in other respects were utterly unprepared; nevertheless they were quite unwilling to yield to the enemy, and shewed an unexpected fortitude in holding out against dangers and hardships.

  Now there was among the Syrians a certain just man, Jacobus by name, who had trained himself with exactitude in matters pertaining to religion. This man had confined himself many years before in a place called Endielon, a day’s journey from Amida, in order that he might with more security devote himself to pious contemplation. The men of this place, assisting his purpose, had surrounded him with a kind of fencing, in which the stakes were not continuous, but set at intervals, so that those who approached could see and hold converse with him. And they had constructed for him a small roof over his head, sufficient to keep off the rain and snow. There this man had been sitting for a long time, never yielding either to heat or cold, and sustaining his life with certain seeds, which he was accustomed to eat, not indeed every day, but only at long intervals. Now some of the Ephthalitae who were overrunning the country thereabout saw this Jacobus and with great eagerness drew their bows with intent to shoot at him. But the hands of every one of them became motionless and utterly unable to manage the bow. When this was noised about through the army and came to the ears of Cabades, he desired to see the thing with his own eyes; and when he saw it, both he and the Persians who were with him were seized with great astonishment, and he entreated Jacobus to forgive the barbarians their crime. And he forgave them with a word, and the men were released from their distress. Cabades then bade the man ask for whatever he wished, supposing that he would ask for a great sum of money, and he also added with youthful recklessness that he would be refused nothing by him. But he requested Cabades to grant to him all the men who during that war should come to him as fugitives. This request Cabades granted, and gave him a written pledge of his personal safety. And great numbers of men, as might be expected, came flocking to him from all sides and found safety there; for the deed became widely known. Thus, then, did these things take place.

  Cabades, in besieging Amida, brought against every part of the defences the engines known as rams; but the townspeople constantly broke off the heads of the rams by means of timbers thrown across them. However, Cabades did not slacken his efforts until he realized that the wall could not be successfully assailed in this way. For, though he battered the wall many times, he was quite unable to break down any portion of the defence, or even to shake it; so secure had been the work of the builders who had constructed it long before. Failing in this, Cabades raised an artificial hill to threaten the city, considerably overtopping the wall; but the besieged, starting from the inside of their defences, made a tunnel extending under the hill, and from there stealthily carried out the earth, until they hollowed out a great part of the inside of the hill. However, the outside kept the form which it had at first assumed, and afforded no opportunity to anyone of discovering what was being done. Accordingly many Persians mounted it, thinking it safe, and stationed themselves on the summit with the purpose of shooting down upon the heads of those inside the fortifications. But with the great mass of men crowding upon it with a rush, the hill suddenly fell in and killed almost all of them. Cabades, then, finding no remedy for the situation, decided to raise the siege, and he issued orders to the army to retreat on the morrow. Then indeed the besieged, as though they had no thought of their danger, began laughingly from the fortifications to jeer at the barbarians. Besides this some courtesans shamelessly drew up their clothing and displayed to Cabades, who was standing close by, those parts of a woman’s body which it is not proper that men should see uncovered. This was plainly seen by the Magi, and they thereupon came before the king and tried to prevent the retreat, declaring as their interpretation of what had happened that the citizens of Amida would shortly disclose to Cabades all their secret and hidden things. So the Persian army remained there.

  Not many days later one of the Persians saw close by one of the towers the mouth of an old underground passage, which was insecurely concealed with some few small stones. In the night he came there alone, and, making trial of the entrance, got inside the circuit-wall; then at daybreak he reported the whole matter to Cabades. The king himself on the following night came to the spot with a few men, bringing ladders which he had made ready. And he was favoured by a piece of good fortune; for the defence of the very tower which happened to be nearest to the passage had fallen by lot to those of the Christians who are most careful in their observances, whom they call monks. These men, as chance would have it, were keeping some annual religious festival to God on that day. When night came on they all felt great weariness on account of the festival, and, having sated themselves with food and drink beyond their wont, they fell into a sweet and gentle sleep, and were consequently quite unaware of what was going on. So the Persians made their way through the passage inside the fortifications, a few at a time, and, mounting the tower, they found the monks still sleeping and slew them to a man. When Cabades learned this, he brought his ladders up to the wall close by this tower. It was already day. And those of the townsmen who were keeping guard on the adjoining tower became aware of the disaster, and ran thither with all speed to give assistance. Then for a long time both sides struggled to crowd back the other, and already the townsmen were gaining the advantage, killing many of those who had mounted the wall, and throwing back the men on the ladders, and they came very near to averting the danger. But Cabades drew his sword and, terrifying the Persians constantly with it, rushed in person to the ladders and would not let them draw back, and death was the punishment for those who dared turn to leave. As a result of this the Persians by their numbers gained the upper hand and overcame their antagonists in the fight. So the city was captured by storm on the eightieth day after the beginning of the siege. [Jan. 11, 503 A.D.] There followed a great massacre of the townspeople, until one of the citizens — an old man and a priest — approached Cabades as he was riding into the city, and said that it was not a kingly act to slaughter captives. Then Cabades, still moved with passion, replied: “But why did you decide to fight against me?” And the old man answered quickly: “Because God willed to give Amida into thy hand not so much because of our decision as of thy valour.” Cabades was pleased by this speech, and permitted no further slaughter, but he bade the Persians plunder the property and make slaves of the survivors, and he directed them to choose out for himself all the notables among them.

  A short time after this he departed, leaving there to garrison the place a thousand men under command of Glones, a Persian, and some few unfortunates among the citizens of Amida who were destined to minister as servants to the daily wants of the Persians; he himself with all the remainder of the army and the captives marched away homeward. These captives were treated by Cabades with a generosity befitting a king; for after a short time he released all of them to return to their homes, but he pretended that they had escaped from him by stealth; and the Roman Emperor, Anastasius, also shewed them honou
r worthy of their bravery, for he remitted to the city all the annual taxes for the space of seven years, and presented all of them as a body and each one of them separately with many good things, so that they came fully to forget the misfortunes which had befallen them. But this happened in later years.

  Τότε δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος πολιορκεῖσθαι μαθὼν Ἄμιδαν στράτευμα κατὰ τάχος διαρκὲς ἔπεμψεν. ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν μὲν κατὰ συμμορίαν ἑκάστων, στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἅπασιν ἐφεστήκεσαν τέσσαρες, Ἀρεόβινδός τε, Ὀλυβρίου κηδεστής, τοῦ ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ βεβασιλευκότος ὀλίγῳ πρότερον, [2] τῆς ἑῴας δὲ τότε στρατηγὸς ἐτύγχανεν ὤν: καὶ τῶν ἐν παλατίῳ ταγμάτων ἀρχηγὸς Κέλερ ῾μάγιστρον Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἀρχὴν καλεῖν νενομίκασιν̓: ἔτι μὴν καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντες, Πατρίκιός τε ὁ Φρὺξ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς: οὗτοι μὲν τέσσαρες στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν. [3] ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰουστῖνος, ὃς δὴ ὕστερον Ἀναστασίου τελευτήσαντος ἐβασίλευσε, καὶ Πατρικιόλος ξὺν Βιταλιανῷ τῷ παιδί, ὃς ὅπλα ἀντάρας Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτυράννησε, καὶ Φαρεσμάνης Κόλχος μὲν γένος, διαφερόντως δὲ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, καὶ Γοδίδισκλός τε καὶ Βέσσας, Γότθοι ἄνδρες, Γότθων τῶν οὐκ ἐπισπομένων Θευδερίχῳ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐκ Θρᾴκης ἰόντι, γενναίω τε ὑπερφυῶς ἄμφω καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πραγμάτων ἐμπείρω, ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ ἄριστοι εἵποντο. [4] στράτευμα γὰρ τοιοῦτό φασιν οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερον ἐπὶ Πέρσας Ῥωμαίοις ξυστῆναι. οὗτοι μέντοι ἅπαντες οὐκ ἐς ταὐτὸ ἀγηγερμένοι οὐδὲ στράτευμα ἓν ποιησάμενοι ᾔεσαν, ἀλλ̓ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος τοῖς κατ̓ αὐτὸν στρατιώταις ἐξηγεῖτο ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. [5] χορηγὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ στρατοπέδου δαπάνης Ἀπίων Αἰγύπτιος ἐστάλη, ἀνὴρ ἐν πατρικίοις ἐπιφανής τε καὶ δραστήριος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ αὐτὸν βασιλεὺς κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείας ἐν γράμμασιν ἀνεῖπεν, ὅπως οἱ ἐξουσία εἴη τὰ ἐς τὴν δαπάνην ᾗ βούλοιτο διοικήσασθαι. [6] Ὁ μὲν οὖν στρατὸς οὗτος χρόνῳ τε ξυνελέγοντο καὶ σχολαίτεροι ἐπορεύοντο. διὸ δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων οὐχ εὗρον, ἐπεὶ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς οἱ Πέρσαι τὴν ἔφοδον ποιησάμενοι αὐτίκα δὴ ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀνεχώρησαν ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ λείᾳ. [7] τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν οὐδεὶς ἐς πολιορκίαν τῶν ἐν Ἀμίδῃ ἀπολελειμμένων ἐν τῷ παρόντι καθίστασθαι ἤθελε: πολλὰ γὰρ ἐσκομίσασθαι σφᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔμαθον: ἀλλ̓ ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν χώραν ἐσβολὴν ποιήσασθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον. [8] οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους κοινῇ ᾔεσαν, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἀλλήλων στρατοπεδευόμενοι ἐπορεύοντο. ταῦτα Καβάδης μαθὼν ῾ἄγχιστα γάρ που ἐτύγχανεν ὢν̓ ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅρια κατὰ τάχος ἐλθὼν ὑπηντίαζεν. [9] οὔπω μέντοι Ῥωμαῖοι τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ Καβάδην ἰέναι ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἔμαθον, ἀλλὰ Περσῶν ᾤοντο στράτευμα βραχύ τι ἐνταῦθα εἶναι. [10] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Ἀρεόβινδον ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀρζάμων, ἀπέχοντι Κωνσταντίνης πόλεως δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδόν, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πατρίκιον καὶ Ὑπάτιον ἐν χωρίῳ Σίφριος, ὅπερ Ἀμίδης πόλεως οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους ἀπέχει. Κέλερ γὰρ οὔπω ἐνταῦθα ἀφῖκτο. [11] Ἀρεόβινδος δὲ ἐπειδὴ Καβάδην παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπιέναι σφίσιν ἐπύθετο, ἀπολιπὼν τὸ στρατόπεδον ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἅπασιν ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμητο καὶ ἐς Κωνσταντίναν δρόμῳ ἐχώρει. [12] ἐπελθόντες δὲ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον οἱ πολέμιοι ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς χρήμασι τὸ στρατόπεδον εἷλον. ἔνθεν τε κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ᾔεσαν. [13] οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πατρίκιον καὶ Ὑπάτιον Ἐφθαλίταις ἐντυχόντες ὀκτακοσίοις οἳ τοῦ Περσῶν στρατοῦ ἔμπροσθεν ᾔεσαν, σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν. [14] οὐδὲν δὲ ἀμφὶ τῷ Καβάδῃ καὶ τῇ Περσῶν στρατιᾷ πεπυσμένοι, ἅτε νενικηκότες, ἀδεέστερον τῇ διαίτῃ ἐχρῶντο. τὰ γοῦν ὅπλα καταθέμενοι ἄριστον σφίσιν ἡτοίμαζον. ἤδη γὰρ τῆς ἡμέρας ὁ καιρὸς ἐνταῦθα ἦγε. [15] ῥύαξ δέ τις ἔρρει ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ, ἵνα Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ κρέα καθαίρειν ἤρξαντο οἷς δὴ σιτίζεσθαι ἔμελλον. [16] τινὲς δὲ ἀχθόμενοι τῷ πνίγει καὶ λοῦσθαι ἠξίουν, ταύτῃ τε ταραχθὲν τὸ τοῦ ῥύακος ὕδωρ πρόσω ἐχώρει. Καβάδης δὲ τὰ ἐς τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ξυμπεσόντα μαθὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ τάχος ᾔει: [17] κατιδών τε συγκεχυμένον τὸ τοῦ ῥύακος ὕδωρ καὶ ξυμβαλὼν τὸ ποιούμενον ἔγνω ἀπαρασκεύους τοὺς ἐναντίους εἶναι, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἤδη ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἐλαύνειν ἐκέλευεν. αὐτίκα τε αὐτοῖς ἑστιωμένοις τε καὶ ἀνόπλοις οὖσιν ἐπέστησαν. [18] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες τὴν ἔφοδον ἐς ἀλκὴν μὲν τὸ παράπαν οὐκ ἔβλεπον, ἔφευγον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο, καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν καταλαμβανόμενοι ἔθνησκον, οἱ δὲ ἀνιόντες εἰς τὸ ὄρος ὃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει ἐρρίπτουν αὑτοὺς κατὰ τὸ κρημνῶδες ξὺν φόβῳ καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ. [19] ὅθεν δὴ οὐδένα σεσῶσθαί φασι, Πατρίκιος δὲ καὶ Ὑπάτιος κατ̓ ἀρχὰς τῆς ἐφόδου διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν. ἔπειτα δὲ Καβάδης, Οὔννων πολεμίων ἐς γῆς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐσβεβληκότων, παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπ̓ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησε, πόλεμόν τε μακρὸν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος τοῦτο ἐς τῆς χώρας τὰ πρὸς ἄρκτον διέφερεν. [20] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα Ῥωμαίων ἦλθε, λόγου μέντοι ἄξιον οὐδὲν ἔδρασαν, ὅτι δὴ αὐτοκράτωρ τοῦ πολέμου κατέστη οὐδείς, ἀλλ̓ ἴσοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ στρατηγο
ὶ ὄντες ἀντεστάτουν τε ἀλλήλων ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ γίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον. [21] Κέλερ δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις Νύμφιον ποταμὸν διαβὰς ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τὴν Ἀρζανηνὴν ἐποιήσατο. [22] ἔστι δὲ ὁ ποταμὸς οὗτος Μαρτυροπόλεως μὲν ἀγχοτάτω, Ἀμίδης δὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων τριακοσίων. οἳ δὴ ληισάμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἐπανῆλθον οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον. δἰ ὀλίγου τε ἡ ἐπιδρομὴ αὕτη ἐγένετο.

  VIII

  At that time the Emperor Anastasius, upon learning that Amida was being besieged, dispatched with all speed an army of sufficient strength. But in this army there were general officers in command of every symmory, while the supreme command was divided between the following four generals: Areobindus, at that time General of the East, the son-in-law of Olyvrius, who had been Emperor in the West not long before; Celer, commander of the palace troops (this officer the Romans are accustomed to call “magister”); besides these still, there were the commanders of troops in Byzantium, Patricias, the Phrygian, and Hypatius, the nephew of the emperor; these four, then, were the generals. With them also was associated Justinus, who at a later time became emperor upon the death of Anastasius, and Patriciolus with his son Vitalianus, who raised an armed insurrection against the Emperor Anastasius not long afterwards and made himself tyrant; also Pharesmanes, a native of Colchis, and a man of exceptional ability as a warrior, and the Goths Godidisklus and Bessas, who were among those Goths who had not followed Theoderic when he went from Thrace into Italy, both of them men of the noblest birth and experienced in matters pertaining to warfare; many others, too, who were men of high station, joined this army. For such an army, they say, was never assembled by the Romans against the Persians either before or after that time. However, all these men did not assemble in one body, nor did they form a single army as they marched, but each commander by himself led his own division separately against the enemy. And as manager of the finances of the army Apion, an Aegyptian, was sent, a man of eminence among the patricians and extremely energetic; and the emperor in a written statement declared him partner in the royal power, in order that he might have authority to administer the finances as he wished.