Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

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by Procopius of Caesarea


  XIII

  [Apr. 1, 527] Not long after this Justinus, who had declared his nephew Justinian emperor with him, died, and thus the empire came to Justinian alone. [Aug. 1, 527] This Justinian commanded Belisarius to build a fortress in a place called Mindouos, which is over against the very boundary of Persia, on the left as one goes to Nisibis. He accordingly with great haste began to carry out the decision of the emperor, and the fort was already rising to a considerable height by reason of the great number of artisans. But the Persians forbade them to build any further, threatening that, not with words alone but also with deeds, they would at no distant time obstruct the work. When the emperor heard this, inasmuch as Belisarius was not able to beat off the Persians from the place with the army he had, he ordered another army to go thither, and also Coutzes and Bouzes, who at that time commanded the soldiers in Libanus. These two were brothers from Thrace, both young and inclined to be rash in engaging with the enemy. So both armies were gathered together and came in full force to the scene of the building operations, the Persians in order to hinder the work with all their power, and the Romans to defend the labourers. And a fierce battle took place in which the Romans were defeated, and there was a great slaughter of them, while some also were made captive by the enemy. Among these was Coutzes himself. All these captives the Persians led away to their own country, and, putting them in chains, confined them permanently in a cave; as for the fort, since no one defended it any longer, they razed what had been built to the ground.

  After this the Emperor Justinian appointed Belisarius General of the East and bade him make an expedition against the Persians. And he collected a very formidable army and came to Daras. Hermogenes also came to him from the emperor to assist in setting the army in order, holding the office of magister; this man was formerly counsellor to Vitalianus at the time when he was at war with the Emperor Anastasius. The emperor also sent Rufinus as ambassador, commanding him to remain in Hierapolis on the Euphrates River until he himself should give the word. For already much was being said on both sides concerning peace. Suddenly, however, someone reported to Belisarius and Hermogenes that the Persians were expected to invade the land of the Romans, being eager to capture the city of Daras. And when they heard this, they prepared for the battle as follows. [July, 530] Not far from the gate which lies opposite the city of Nisibis, about a stone’s throw away, they dug a deep trench with many passages across it. Now this trench was not dug in a straight line, but in the following manner. In the middle there was a rather short portion straight, and at either end of this there were dug two cross trenches at right angles to the first; and starting from the extremities of the two cross trenches, they continued two straight trenches in the original direction to a very great distance. Not long afterwards the Persians came with a great army, and all of them made camp in a place called Ammodios, at a distance of twenty stades from the city of Daras. Among the leaders of this army were Pityaxes and the one-eyed Baresmanas. But one general held command over them all, a Persian, whose title was “mirranes” (for thus the Persians designate this office), Perozes by name. This Perozes immediately sent to Belisarius bidding him make ready the bath: for he wished to bathe there on the following day. Accordingly the Romans made the most vigorous preparations for the encounter, with the expectation that they would fight on the succeeding day.

  At sunrise, seeing the enemy advancing against them, they arrayed themselves as follows. The extremity of the left straight trench which joined the cross trench, as far as the hill which rises here, was held by Bouzes with a large force of horsemen and by Pharas the Erulian with three hundred of his nation. On the right of these, outside the trench, at the angle formed by the cross trench and the straight section which extended from that point, were Sunicas and Aigan, Massagetae by birth, with six hundred horsemen, in order that, if those under Bouzes and Pharas should be driven back, they might, by moving quickly on the flank, and getting in the rear of the enemy, be able easily to support the Romans at that point. On the other wing also they were arrayed in the same manner; for the extremity of the straight trench was held by a large force of horsemen, who were commanded by John, son of Nicetas, and by Cyril and Marcellus; with them also were Germanus and Dorotheus; while at the angle on the right six hundred horsemen took their stand, commanded by Simmas and Ascan, Massagetae, in order that, as has been said, in case the forces of John should by any chance be driven back, they might move out from there and attack the rear of the Persians. Thus all along the trench stood the detachments of cavalry and the infantry. And behind these in the middle stood the forces of Belisarius and Hermogenes. Thus the Romans arrayed themselves, amounting to five-and-twenty thousand; but the Persian army consisted of forty thousand horse and foot, and they all stood close together facing the front, so as to make the front of the phalanx as deep as possible. Then for a long time neither side began battle with the other, but the Persians seemed to be wondering at the good order of the Romans, and appeared at a loss what to do under the circumstances.

  In the late afternoon a certain detachment of the horsemen who held the right wing, separating themselves from the rest of the army, came against the forces of Bouzes and Pharas. And the Romans retired a short distance to the rear. The Persians, however, did not pursue them, but remained there, fearing, I suppose, some move to surround them on the part of the enemy. Then the Romans who had turned to flight suddenly rushed upon them. And the Persians did not withstand their onset and rode back to the phalanx, and again the forces of Bouzes and Pharas stationed themselves in their own position. In this skirmish seven of the Persians fell, and the Romans gained possession of their bodies; thereafter both armies remained quietly in position. But one Persian, a young man, riding up very close to the Roman army, began to challenge all of them, calling for whoever wished to do battle with him. And no one of the whole army dared face the danger, except a certain Andreas, one of the personal attendants of Bouzes, not a soldier nor one who had ever practised at all the business of war, but a trainer of youths in charge of a certain wrestling school in Byzantium. Through this it came about that he was following the army, for he cared for the person of Bouzes in the bath; his birthplace was Byzantium. This man alone had the courage, without being ordered by Bouzes or anyone else, to go out of his own accord to meet the man in single combat. And he caught the barbarian while still considering how he should deliver his attack, and hit him with his spear on the right breast. And the Persian did not bear the blow delivered by a man of such exceptional strength, and fell from his horse to the earth. Then Andreas with a small knife slew him like a sacrificial animal as he lay on his back, and a mighty shout was raised both from the city wall and from the Roman army. But the Persians were deeply vexed at the outcome and sent forth another horseman for the same purpose, a manly fellow and well favoured as to bodily size, but not a youth, for some of the hair on his head already shewed grey. This horseman came up along the hostile army, and, brandishing vehemently the whip with which he was accustomed to strike his horse, he summoned to battle whoever among the Romans was willing. And when no one went out against him, Andreas, without attracting the notice of anyone, once more came forth, although he had been forbidden to do so by Hermogenes. So both rushed madly upon each other with their spears, and the weapons, driven against their corselets, were turned aside with mighty force, and the horses, striking together their heads, fell themselves and threw off their riders. And both the two men, falling very close to each other, made great haste to rise to their feet, but the Persian was not able to do this easily because his size was against him, while Andreas, anticipating him (for his practice in the wrestling school gave him this advantage), smote him as he was rising on his knee, and as he fell again to the ground dispatched him. Then a roar went up from the wall and from the Roman army as great, if not greater, than before; and the Persians broke their phalanx and withdrew to Ammodios, while the Romans, raising the pæan, went inside the fortifications; for already it was growing dark. Thus
both armies passed that night.

  Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Πέρσαις μὲν στρατιῶται μύριοι ἐκ Νισίβιδος πόλεως μετάπεμπτοι ἦλθον, Βελισάριος δὲ καὶ Ἑρμογένης πρὸς Μιρράνην ἔγραψαν τάδε, ‘Πρῶτον ἀγαθὸν τὴν εἰρήνην εἶναι ὡμολόγηται παρὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων οἷς τι καὶ κατὰ τὸ [2] βραχὺ λογισμοῦ μέτεστιν. ὥστε ἤν τις διαλυτὴς αὐτῆς γένοιτο, τῶν κακῶν αἰτιώτατος ἂν οὐ τοῖς πέλας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁμογενέσι τοῖς αὑτοῦ εἴη. στρατηγὸς μὲν οὖν ἄριστος οὗτος ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν, ὃς δὴ ἐκ πολέμου εἰρήνην διατίθεσθαι ἱκανὸς πέφυκε. [3] σὺ δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων εὖ καθεστώτων Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις πόλεμον ἐπάγειν ἡμῖν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχοντα ἔγνωκας, καίπερ ἑκατέρου μὲν βασιλέως εἰρηναῖα βουλευομένου, πρέσβεων δὲ παρόντων ἡμῖν ἐν γειτόνων ἤδη, οἳ δὴ τὰ διάφορα τῇ ἐς ἀλλήλους ὁμιλίᾳ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν διαλύσουσιν, ἢν μή τι ἀνήκεστον ἐκ τῆς σῆς ἐφόδου ξυμβαῖνον ταύτην ἡμῖν ἀναστέλλειν τὴν ἐλπίδα ἰσχύσῃ. [4] ἀλλ̓ ἄπαγε ὅτι τάχιστα τὸν στρατὸν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη, μηδὲ τοῖς μεγίστοις ἀγαθοῖς ἐμποδὼν ἵστασο, μή ποτε Πέρσαις, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, εἴης τῶν ξυμβησομένων [5] δεινῶν αἴτιος.’ ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Μιρράνης ἀπενεχθέντα τὰ γράμματα εἶδεν, ἀμείβεται ὧδε, ‘Ἐποίησα ἂν τὰ αἰτούμενα, τοῖς γεγραμμένοις ἀναπεισθείς, εἰ μὴ Ῥωμαίων ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, οἷς τὸ μὲν ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι πρόχειρόν ἐστιν, ἔργῳ δὲ τὰ ἐπηγγελμένα ἐπιτελεῖν χαλεπώτατόν τε καὶ κρεῖσσον ἐλπίδος, ἄλλως τε ἢν καὶ ὅρκοις τισὶ κυρώσητε τὰ ξυγκείμενα. [6] ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν πρὸς τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀπειπόντες ἀπάτην, ἐν ὅπλοις ἠναγκάσμεθα παῤ ὑμᾶς ἥκειν, ὑμεῖς δέ, ὦ φίλοι Ῥωμαῖοι, μηδὲν ἄλλο τὸ λοιπὸν οἴεσθε ἢ πολεμητέα ὑμῖν ἐς Πέρσας εἶναι. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἡμᾶς ἢ τεθνάναι ἢ καταγηράσκειν δεήσει, ἕως ἔργῳ τὰ δίκαια πρὸς ἡμᾶς θήσεσθε.’ τοσαῦτα μὲν καὶ ὁ Μιρράνης ἀντέγραψεν. [7] αὖθις δὲ οἱ ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἔγραψαν ὧδε, ‘Οὐ πάντα χρή, ὦ βέλτιστε Μιρράνη, τῇ ἀλαζονείᾳ χαρίζεσθαι, οὐδὲ τοῖς πέλας ἐπιφέρειν ὀνείδη τὰ μηδαμόθεν προσήκοντα. [8] Ῥουφῖνον γὰρ ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ ἥκοντα οὐκ ἄποθεν εἶναι ἡμεῖς τε εἴπομεν ξὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ καὶ αὐτὸς οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν εἴσῃ. [9] γλιχομένοις δὲ ὑμῖν πολεμίων ἔργων ἀντιταξόμεθα ξὺν θεῷ, ὃν ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ κινδύνῳ ξυλλήψεσθαι ἴσμεν, ἠγμένον μὲν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀπραγμοσύνῃ, ἀλαζονείᾳ δὲ τῇ Περσῶν νεμεσήσαντα καὶ οἷς ἐπὶ τὴν εἰρήνην προκαλουμένοις ἡμῖν εἶτα ἀντιτείνειν ἐγνώκατε. [10] ἀντιταξόμεθα δὲ τὰ γεγραμμένα παῤ ἑκατέρων ἀπ̓ ἄκρων σημείων [11] ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν ἀναψάμενοι.’ τοσαῦτα μὲν ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου. Μιρράνης δὲ καὶ αὖθις ἀμείβεται ὧδε, ‘Οὐδὲ ἡμεῖς ἄνευ θεῶν τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθιστάμεθα, ξὺν αὐτοῖς δὲ παῤ ὑμᾶς ἥξομεν, οὕσπερ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ Πέρσας ἐς Δάρας ἐσβιβάσειν ἐλπίδα ἔχω. [12] ἀλλά μοι τό τε βαλανεῖον καὶ ἄριστον ἐν παρασκευῇ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐντὸς γινέσθω.’ ταῦτα οἱ ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἀναλεξάμενοι παρεσκευάζοντο ἐς τὴν ξυμβολήν. [13] Τῇ δὲ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ Πέρσας ἅπαντας περὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς ξυγκαλέσας Μιρράνης ἔλεξε τοιάδε, ‘Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν ὡς οὐ λόγοις τῶν ἡγουμένων, ἀλλ̓ ἀρετῇ τε οἰκείᾳ καὶ τῇ ἐς ἀλλήλους αἰδοῖ θαρσεῖν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις εἰώθασι Πέρσαι. [14] ὁρῶν δὲ ὑμᾶς διαλογιζομένους τί δήποτε οὐ συνειθισμένον Ῥωμαίοις πρότερον ἄνευ θορύβων τε καὶ ἀταξίας εἰς μάχην ἰέναι, οἱ δὲ ξὺν κόσμῳ τινὶ ἔναγχος οὐδαμόθεν σφίσι προσήκοντι Πέρσας ἐπιόντας ὑπέστησαν, τοῦδε εἵνεκα παραίνεσιν ποιεῖσθαί τινα εἰς ὑμᾶς ἔγνωκα, ὅπως μὴ δόξῃ οὐκ ἀληθεῖ χρωμένοις ὑμῖν σφαλῆναι συμβαίη. [15] μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθε Ῥωμαίους ἀμείνους τὰ πολέμια ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου γενέσθαι μηδὲ ἀρετῆς τι ἢ ἐμπειρίας κεκτῆσθαι πλέον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δειλοὺς αὐτοὺς γεγονέναι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ πρότερα ὄντες ἐτύγχανον: οἵ γε οὕτω Πέρσας δεδίασιν ὥστε οὐδὲ τάφρου χωρὶς ἐς τὴν φάλαγγα καθίστασθαι τετολμήκασιν. [16] οὐδὲ ξὺν ταύτῃ μάχης τινὸς ἦρξαν, ἀλλ̓ ἐπεὶ ἐς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς οὐδαμῶς ἤλθομεν, ἄσμενοί τε καὶ κρεῖσσον ἐλπίδος τὰ πράγματα σφίσι κεχωρηκέναι οἰόμενοι ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐχώρησαν. [17] διὸ δὴ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲ ξυντεταράχθαι τετύχηκεν, οὔπω εἰς κίνδυνον πολέμου ἐλθοῦσιν. ἢν δέ γε ἡ μάχη ἐκ χειρὸς γένηται, ὀρρωδία τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀπειρία περιλαβοῦσαι ἐς ἀκοσμίαν τὴν συνήθη, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, καταστήσουσι. [18] τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν πολεμίων τοιαῦτά ἐστιν: ὑμᾶς δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, τοῦ βασιλέων βασιλέως ἡ κρίσις εἰσίτω. [19] ἢν γὰρ μὴ ἐπαξίως τῆς Περσῶν ἀρετῆς ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀνδραγαθίζοισθε, κόλασις ὑμᾶς οὐκ [20] εὐκλεὴς περιστήσεται.’ οὕτω μὲν Μιρράνης παρακελευσάμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ στράτευμα ἦγε. Βελισάριος δὲ καὶ Ἑρμογένης πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου πάντας Ῥωμαίους ἀγείραντες παρεκελεύσαντο ὧδε, [21] ‘Ὡς μὲν οὐκ εἰσὶ παντάπασιν ἀνίκητοι Πέρσαι οὐδὲ κρείσσους ἢ θνήσκειν ἐπίστασθε δή που, μάχῃ τῇ προτέρᾳ σταθμώμενοι: ὡς δὲ τῇ τε ἀνδρίᾳ καὶ σώματος ἰσχύϊ περιόντες αὐτῶν, μόνῳ ἡττᾶσθε τῷ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἀπειθέστεροι εἶναι, [22] οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀντείποι. ὅπερ ἐπανορθοῦν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ὑμῖν πάρεστι. τὰ μὲν γὰρ τῆς τύχης ἐναντιώματα σπουδῇ ἐπανορθοῦσθαι οὐδα
μῶς πέφυκε, γνώμη δὲ τῶν οἰκείων κακῶν ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἀνθρώπῳ ἰατρὸς γένοιτο: [23] ὥστε ἢν τῶν παραγγελλομένων κατακούειν ᾖ βουλομένοις ὑμῖν, αὐτίκα δὴ ἀναδήσεσθε τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος. οἱ γὰρ οὐκ ἄλλῳ τῳ ἢ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ ἀκόσμῳ θαρσοῦντες ἐφ̓ ἡμᾶς ἥκουσι. [24] σφαλέντες δὲ καὶ νῦν τῆς τοιαύτης ἐλπίδος ὁμοίως τῇ προλαβούσῃ ξυμβολῇ ἀπαλλάξουσι. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων, ᾧ μάλιστα δεδίττονται, [25] ὑμᾶς ὑπερφρονεῖν ἄξιον. τὸ γὰρ πεζὸν ἅπαν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ὅμιλός ἐστιν ἀγροίκων οἰκτρῶν, οἳ ἐς τὴν παράταξιν ἐπ̓ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ ἔρχονται ἢ τεῖχός τε διορύττειν καὶ τοὺς τεθνεῶτας σκυλεύειν καὶ τἄλλα τοῖς στρατιώταις ὑπηρετεῖν. [26] διὸ δὴ ὅπλα μὲν οἷς ἂν καὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐνοχλοῖεν οὐδαμῆ ἔχουσι, τοὺς δὲ θυρεοὺς τοιούτους τὸ μέγεθος προβέβληνται μόνον ὅπως αὐτοὶ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα βάλλωνται. [27] οὐκοῦν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ ἐν τῷδε τῷ κινδύνῳ γενόμενοι οὐκ ἐν τῷ παρόντι μόνον Πέρσας νικήσετε, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀπονοίας κολάσετε, ὡς μήποτε αὖθις εἰς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων στρατεύσονται.’ [28] Ταύτην Βελισάριός τε καὶ Ἑρμογένης τὴν παραίνεσιν ποιησάμενοι, ἐπειδὴ Πέρσας ὁδῷ ἰόντας ἐπὶ σφᾶς εἶδον, τρόπῳ τῷ προτέρῳ κατὰ τάχος τοὺς στρατιώτας διέταξαν. [29] καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι παῤ αὐτοὺς ἥκοντες μετωπηδὸν ἔστησαν. οὐχ ἅπαντας μέντοι Πέρσας ὁ Μιρράνης ἀντίους τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἔστησε, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ὄπισθεν μένειν εἴασεν. [30] οἳ δὴ τοὺς μαχομένους ἐκδεχόμενοι ἔμελλον ἀκμῆτες ἐπιθήσεσθαι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ὅπως ἀεὶ ἐκ περιτροπῆς ἅπαντες μάχωνται. [31] μόνον δὲ τὸν τῶν ἀθανάτων λεγομένων λόχον ἡσυχῆ μένειν, ἕως αὐτὸς σημήνῃ, ἐκέλευεν. [32] αὐτός τε κατὰ μέσον τοῦ μετώπου ταξάμενος, Πιτυάξην μὲν τοῖς ἐν δεξιᾷ, Βαρεσμανᾶν δὲ τοῖς ἐς τὸ ἀριστερὸν κέρας ἐπέστησεν. οὕτω μὲν ἀμφότεροι ἐτετάχατο. Φάρας δὲ Βελισαρίῳ τε καὶ Ἑρμογένει παραστὰς εἶπεν, [33] ‘Οὐδέν μοι δοκῶ ἐνταῦθα ξὺν τοῖς Ἐρούλοις μένων τοὺς πολεμίους ἐργάσασθαι μέγα: ἢν δὲ κρυπτόμενοι ἐς τὸ κάταντες τοῦτο, εἶτα, ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται Πέρσαι, διὰ τοῦδε τοῦ λόφου ἀναβαίνοντες ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου κατὰ νώτου αὐτῶν ἴωμεν ὄπισθεν βάλλοντες, τὰ ἀνήκεστα αὐτούς, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, δράσομεν.’ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἶπε, καὶ ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἤρεσκε, κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. [34] Μάχης δὲ ἄχρι ἐς ἡμέραν μέσην οὐδέτεροι ἦρχον. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τάχιστα ἡ μεσημβρία παρῴχηκεν, ἔργου οἱ βάρβαροι εἴχοντο, τοῦδε εἵνεκα ἐς τοῦτον τῆς ἡμέρας τὸν καιρὸν τὴν ξυμβολὴν ἀποθέμενοι, ὅτι δὴ αὐτοὶ μὲν σιτίοις ἐς δείλην ὀψίαν χρῆσθαι μόνον εἰώθασι, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ πρὸ τῆς μεσημβρίας, ὥστε οὔποτε ᾤοντο αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως ἀνθέξειν, ἢν πεινῶσιν ἐπιθῶνται. [35] τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα τοξεύμασιν ἐχρῶντο ἐς ἀλλήλους ἑκάτεροι, καί τινα τὰ βέλη τῷ πλήθει ἀχλὺν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐποίει, ἔκ τε ἀμφοτέρων πολλοὶ ἔπιπτον, πολλῷ δὲ συχνότερα τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων βέλη ἐφέρετο. [36] ἐν περιτροπῇ γὰρ ἀεὶ ἀκμῆτες ἐμάχοντο, αἴσθησιν τοῦ ποιουμένου τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἤκιστα παρεχόμενοι, οὐ μέντοι οὐδὲ ὣς Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ ἔλασσον εἶχον. πνεῦμα γὰρ ἐνθένδε ἐπίφορον ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐπιπεσὸν οὐ λίαν αὐτῶν τὰ τοξεύματα ἐνεργεῖν εἴα. [37] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἅπαντα ἑκατέρους τὰ βέλη ἤδη ἐπιλελοίπει, τοῖς τε δόρασιν ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἡ μάχη ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκ χειρὸς ἐγεγόνει. Ῥωμαίων δὲ κέρας τὸ ἀριστερὸν μάλιστα ἔκαμνε. [38] Καδισηνοὶ γάρ, οἳ ταύτῃ ξὺν τῷ Πιτυάξῃ ἐμάχοντο, πολλοὶ ἐπιβεβοηθηκότες ἐξαπιναίως ἐτρέψαντό τε τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ φεύγουσιν ἐγκείμενοι ἰσχυρότατα συχνοὺς ἔκτεινον. [39] ὃ δὴ κατιδόντες οἱ ξὺν τῷ Σουνίκᾳ τε καὶ Ἀϊγάν, δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν. πρῶτοι δὲ οἱ τριακόσιοι ξὺν τῷ Φάρᾳ Ἔρουλοι ἐξ ὑψηλοῦ κατὰ νώτου τῶν πολεμίων γενόμενοι, ἔργα θαυμαστὰ ἔς τε τοὺς ἄλλους καὶ τοὺς Καδισηνοὺς ἐπεδείκνυντο. [40] οἳ δὴ ἐπεὶ καὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Σουνίκαν πλαγίους ἤδη ἀνιόντας ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς εἶδον, ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. [41] τῆς δὲ τροπῆς λαμπρᾶς γενομένης, ἐπειδὴ ἀλλήλοις ξυνέμιξαν οἱ ταύτῃ Ῥωμαῖοι, γέγονε φόνος τῶν βαρβάρων πολύς. [42] καὶ αὐτῶν κατὰ κέρας τὸ δεξιὸν οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ τρισχίλιοι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ἀπέθανον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἐς τὴν φάλαγγα μόλις καταφυγόντες ἐσώθησαν. [43] Ῥωμαῖοί τε οὐκέτι ἐδίωκον, ἀλλ̓ ἐν τῇ παρατάξει ἑκάτεροι ἔστησαν ἀντίοι ἀλλήλοις. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐφέρετο τῇδε. [44] Μιρράνης δὲ ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἀθανάτους λεγομένους ἅπαντας ἐς μέρος τὸ ἀριστερὸν λάθρα ἔπεμψεν. οὓς δὴ κατιδόντες Βελισάριός τε καὶ Ἑρμογένης, τοὺς ἀμφὶ Σουνίκαν τε καὶ Ἀϊγὰν ἑξακοσίους ἐς γωνίαν τὴν ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐκέλευον ἰέναι, οὗ δὴ οἱ ξὺν τῷ Σίμμᾳ τε καὶ Ἀσκὰν ἵσταντο, καὶ αὐτῶν ὄπισθεν τῶν Βελισαρίῳ ἑπομένων πολλοὺς ἔστησαν. [45] Πέρσαι μὲν οὖν οἳ κέρας τὸ ἀριστερὸν εἶχον Βαρεσμανᾶ ἡγουμένου σφίσι ξὺν τοῖς ἀθανάτοις ἐς τοὺς κατ̓ αὐτοὺς Ῥωμαίους δρόμῳ ἐσέβαλλον. οἱ δὲ οὐχ ὑποστάντες τὴν ἔφοδον ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. [46] τότε δὴ οἵ τε ἐν τῇ γωνίᾳ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ὅσοι αὐτῶν ὄπισθεν ἦσαν, σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐπὶ τοὺς διώκοντας ᾔεσαν. [47] ἅτε δὲ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐγκάρ
σιοι ἰόντες, διεῖλον αὐτῶν δίχα τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἐν δεξιᾷ εἶχον, τινὰς δὲ καὶ ἐγκαταλειφθέντας ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἐποιήσαντο. ἐν τοῖς καὶ τὸν τοῦ Βαρεσμανᾶ τὸ σημεῖον φέροντα ξυνέπεσεν εἶναι, ὃν δὴ ὁ Σουνίκας τῷ δόρατι ἐπελθὼν παίει. [48] ἤδη τε Πέρσαι οἱ ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις διώκοντες, αἰσθόμενοι οὗ ἦσαν κακοῦ, στρέψαντές τε τὰ νῶτα καὶ τὴν δίωξιν καταπαύσαντες ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἀμφίβολοι πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐγίνοντο. [49] ξυνέντες γὰρ τῶν ποιουμένων οἱ φεύγοντες ἀνέστρεφον αὖθις. οἵ τε γοῦν ἄλλοι Πέρσαι καὶ ὁ τῶν ἀθανάτων λόχος, κεκλιμένον τε τὸ σημεῖον ἰδόντες καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος καθειμένον, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ Ῥωμαίους ξὺν τῷ Βαρεσμανᾷ ὥρμησαν. [50] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ὑπηντίαζον. καὶ πρῶτος Σουνίκας τὸν Βαρεσμανᾶν ἔκτεινέ τε καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἵππου ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἔρριψε. καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἐς δέος μέγα οἱ βάρβαροι ἐμπεπτωκότες ἀλκῆς μὲν οὐκέτι ἐμέμνηντο, ἀκοσμίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ ἐχόμενοι ἔφευγον. [51] καὶ αὐτῶν Ῥωμαῖοι κύκλωσίν τινα ποιησάμενοι πεντακισχιλίους μάλιστα ἔκτειναν. οὕτω τε τὰ στρατόπεδα παντάπασιν ἐκινήθη ἑκάτερα, Περσῶν μὲν ἐς ὑπαγωγήν, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἐς τὴν δίωξιν. [52] ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ὅσοι δὴ πεζοὶ ἐν τῷ Περσῶν στρατεύματι ἦσαν, ῥίψαντές τε τοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ καταλαμβανόμενοι κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐκτείνοντο. Ῥωμαίων μέντοι ἡ δίωξις δἰ ὀλίγου ἐγένετο. [53] Βελισάριος γὰρ καὶ Ἑρμογένης περαιτέρω ἰέναι οὐδαμῆ εἴων, δείσαντες μή τινι ἀνάγκῃ Πέρσαι ὑποστραφέντες τρέψωνται αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ λόγῳ διώκοντας, ἱκανόν τε αὐτοῖς κατεφαίνετο τὴν νίκην ἀκραιφνῆ διασώσασθαι. [54] μακροῦ γὰρ χρόνου Ῥωμαίων τῇ μάχῃ ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἡσσήθησαν Πέρσαι. οὕτω μὲν ἀπ̓ ἀλλήλων ἑκάτεροι διεκρίθησαν. [55] Πέρσαι δὲ οὐκέτι μάχην ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος ἐς Ῥωμαίους διενεγκεῖν ἤθελον. ἐγένοντο μέντοι ἀμφοτέροις τινὲς ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἔφοδοι, ἐν αἷς οὐκ ἔλασσον Ῥωμαῖοι ἔσχον. τὰ μὲν οὖν στρατόπεδα ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ τῇδε ἐφέρετο.

 

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