XXVI
At that time the Emperor again designated Belisarius General of the East, and, sending him to Libya, gained over the country, as will be told later on in my narrative. When this information came to Chosroes and the Persians, they were mightily vexed, and they already repented having made peace with the Romans, because they perceived that their power was extending greatly. And Chosroes sent envoys to Byzantium, and said that he rejoiced with the Emperor Justinian, and he asked with a laugh to receive his share of the spoils from Libya, on the ground that the emperor would never have been able to conquer in the war with the Vandals if the Persians had not been at peace with him. So then Justinian made a present of money to Chosroes, and not long afterwards dismissed the envoys.
In the city of Daras the following event took place. There was a certain John there serving in a detachment of infantry; this man, in conspiracy with some few of the soldiers, but not all, took possession of the city, essaying to make himself tyrant. Then he established himself in a palace as if in a citadel, and was strengthening his tyranny every day. And if it had not happened that the Persians were continuing to keep peace with the Romans, irreparable harm would have come from this affair to the Romans. But as it was, this was prevented by the agreement which had already been reached, as I have said. On the fourth day of the tyranny some soldiers conspired together, and by the advice of Mamas, the priest of the city, and Anastasius, one of the notable citizens, they went up to the palace at high noon, each man hiding a small sword under his garment. And first at the door of the courtyard they found some few of the body-guards, whom they slew immediately. Then they entered the men’s apartment and laid hold upon the tyrant; but some say that the soldiers were not the first to do this, but that while they were still hesitating in the courtyard and trembling at the danger, a certain sausage-vendor who was with them rushed in with his cleaver and meeting John smote him unexpectedly. But the blow which had been dealt him was not a fatal one, this account goes on to say, and he fled with a great outcry and suddenly fell among these very soldiers. Thus they laid hands upon the man and immediately set fire to the palace and burned it, in order that there might be left no hope from there for those making revolutions; and John they led away to the prison and bound. And one of them, fearing lest the soldiers, upon learning that the tyrant survived, might again make trouble for the city, killed John, and in this way stopped the confusion. Such, then, was the progress of events touching this tyranny.
BOOK II. THE PERSIAN WAR (Continued)
ΥΠΕΡ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΛΟΓΟΣ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ
Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ὁ Χοσρόης μαθὼν ὡς καὶ Ἰταλίαν Βελισάριος Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ προσποιεῖν ἤρξατο, οὐκέτι κατέχειν οἷός τε ἦν τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλὰ σκήψεις ἐπινοεῖν ἤθελεν ὅπως δὴ λόγῳ τινὶ εὐπρεπεῖ τὰς σπονδὰς λύσειεν. [2] ὑπὲρ ὧν κοινολογησάμενος Ἀλαμουνδάρῳ ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν ξυμπορίζεσθαι πολέμου αἰτίας. [3] ὁ δὲ Ἀρέθᾳ ἐπικαλέσας ὅτι αὐτὸν περὶ γῆς ὁρίων βιάζοιτο, ἐς χεῖράς τε αὐτῷ ἐν σπονδαῖς ἦλθε καὶ γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ σκήψει καταθεῖν ἤρξατο. [4] ἔφασκέ τε ὡς αὐτὸς οὐ λύει τὰς Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων σπονδάς, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν ἐς ταύτας οὐδέτεροι ἐσεγράψαντο. [5] καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. οὐ γάρ τις πώποτε Σαρακηνῶν λόγος ἐν σπονδαῖς γέγονεν, ἅτε ξυνεχομένων τῷ Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὀνόματι. [6] αὕτη δὲ ἡ χώρα, ἣ δὴ πρὸς ἑκατέρων τότε Σαρακηνῶν ἀντελέγετο, Στρᾶτα μὲν κέκληται, Παλμύρας δὲ πόλεως πρὸς νότον ἄνεμον τέτραπται, δένδρον μὲν ἤ τι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ληίοις ἀγαθῶν οὐδαμῆ φέρουσα ῾ἡλιόκαυστος γὰρ ὑπερφυῶς ἐστἰ, προβάτων δέ τισιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἀνειμένη νομαῖς. [7] Ἀρέθας μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι τὸν χῶρον, τῷ τε ὀνόματι τεκμηριούμενος οὗ δὴ πρὸς πάντων ἄνωθεν ἔτυχε ῾Στρᾶτα γὰρ ἡ ἐστρωμένη ὁδὸς τῇ Λατίνων καλεῖται φωνᾖ καὶ μαρτυρίαις παλαιοτάτων ἀνδρῶν χρώμενος. [8] Ἀλαμούνδαρος δὲ φιλονεικεῖν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος ἥκιστα ἐδικαίου, μισθοὺς δέ οἱ τοῦ ἐνταῦθα νομοῦ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔφασκε τοὺς τὰ πρόβατα κεκτημένους διδόναι. [9] διὸ δὴ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς Στρατηγίῳ τε πατρικίῳ ἀνδρὶ καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν ἄρχοντι, ἄλλως δὲ ξυνετῷ καὶ εὐπατρίδῃ, ἔτι μέντοι καὶ Σούμμῳ τῶν ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ στρατιωτῶν ἡγησαμένῳ, τὴν τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων ἐπέτρεψε δίαιταν. [10] ὁ δὲ Σοῦμμος Ἰουλιανοῦ ἀδελφὸς ἦν, ὃς ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ἐς Αἰθίοπάς τε καὶ Ὁμηρίτας ἐπρέσβευσε. [11] καὶ αὐτοῖν ἅτερος μέν, Σοῦμμος, μὴ χρῆναι Ῥωμαίους καταπροΐεσθαι τὴν χώραν ἠξίου, Στρατήγιος δὲ βασιλέως ἐδεῖτο μὴ χώρας τινὸς ἕνεκα βραχείας τε καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα λόγου ἀξίας, ἀλλὰ ἀγόνου τε καὶ ἀκάρπου παντάπασιν οὔσης, Πέρσαις πολεμησείουσι σκήψεις τοῦ πολέμου χαρίζεσθαι: βασιλεὺς μὲν οὖν Ἰουστινιανὸς ταῦτα ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ χρόνος πολὺς ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ διαίτῃ ἐτρίβη. [12] Χοσρόης δὲ ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς λελύσθαι πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ τὰς σπονδὰς ἔφασκε, πολλὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐς οἶκον τὸν αὐτοῦ ἄρτι ἐνδειξαμένου, οἷς δὴ ἑταιρίζεσθαι Ἀλαμούνδαρον ἐν σπονδαῖς ἐνεχείρησε. [13] Σοῦμμον γὰρ ἔναγχος ἐπὶ διαίτῃ δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παῤ αὐτὸν ἥκοντα ἐπαγγελίαις αὐτὸν περιελθεῖν μεγάλων χρημάτων, ἐφ̓ ᾧ προσχωρήσει Ῥωμαίοις, γράμματά τε προΐσχετο ἃ δὴ πρὸς Ἀλαμούνδαρον ὑπὲρ τούτων Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε. [14] καὶ πρὸς Οὔννων δέ τινας ἰσχυρίζετο αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν πέμψαι, ἐγκελευομένην αὐτοῖς ἐσβαλεῖν τε ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνῃ χωρίοις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον λυμήνασθαι. ἣν δή οἱ τοὺς Οὔννους αὐτοὺς ἔφασκεν ἐγχειρίσαι ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντας. [15] ταῦτα μὲν Χοσρόης ἐπικαλῶν Ῥωμαίοις τὰς σπονδὰς λύειν διενοεῖτο. εἰ μέντοι ταῦτα λέγοντί οἱ ἀληθίζεσθαι ξυνέβαινεν, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν.
I
Not long after this Chosroes, upon learning that Belisarius had begun to win Italy also for the Emperor Justinian, was no longer able to restrain his thoughts but he wished to discover pretexts, in order that he might break the treaty on some grounds which would seem plausible. And he conferred with Alamoundaras concerning this matter and commanded him to provide causes for war. So Alamoundaras brought against Arethas, the charge that he, Arethas, was doing him violence in a matter of boundary lines, a
nd he entered into conflict with him in time of peace, and began to overrun the land of the Romans on this pretext. And he declared that, as for him, he was not breaking the treaty between the Persians and Romans, for neither one of them had included him in it. And this was true. For no mention of Saracens was ever made in treaties, on the ground that they were included under the names of Persians and Romans. Now this country which at that time was claimed by both tribes of Saracens is called Strata, and extends to the south of the city of Palmyra; nowhere does it produce a single tree or any of the useful growth of corn-lands, for it is burned exceedingly dry by the sun, but from of old it has been devoted to the pasturage of some few flocks. Now Arethas maintained that the place belonged to the Romans, proving his assertion by the name which has long been applied to it by all (for Strata signifies “a paved road” in the Latin tongue), and he also adduced the testimonies of men of the oldest times. Alamoundaras, however, was by no means inclined to quarrel concerning the name, but he claimed that tribute had been given him from of old for the pasturage there by the owners of the flocks. The Emperor Justinian therefore entrusted the settlement of the disputed points to Strategius; a patrician and administrator of the royal treasures, and besides a man of wisdom and of good ancestry, and with him Summus, who had commanded the troops in Palestine. This Summus was the brother of Julian, who not long before had served as envoy to the Aethiopians and Homeritae. And the one of them, Summus, insisted that the Romans ought not to surrender the country, but Strategius begged of the emperor that he should not do the Persians the favour of providing them with pretexts for the war which they already desired, for the sake of a small bit of land and one of absolutely no account, but altogether unproductive and unsuitable for crops. The Emperor Justinian, therefore, took the matter under consideration, and a long time was spent in the settlement of the question.
But Chosroes, the King of the Persians, claimed that the treaty had been broken by Justinian, who had lately displayed great opposition to his house, in that he had attempted in time of peace to attach Alamoundaras to himself. For, as he said, Summus, who had recently gone to the Saracen ostensibly to arrange matters, had hoodwinked him by promises of large sums of money on condition that he should join the Romans, and he brought forward a letter which, he alleged, the Emperor Justinian had written to Alamoundaras concerning these things. He also declared that he had sent a letter to some of the Huns, in which he urged them to invade the land of the Persians and to do extensive damage to the country thereabout. This letter he asserted to have been put into his hands by the Huns themselves who had come before him. So then Chosroes, with these charges against the Romans, was purposing to break off the treaty. But as to whether he was speaking the truth in these matters, I am not able to say.
Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Οὐίττιγις, ὁ τῶν Γότθων ἡγούμενος, ἤδη τῷ πολέμῳ κεκακωμένος, πρέσβεις δύο παῤ αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν, ἀναπείσοντας ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους στρατεύεσθαι, οὐ Γότθους μέντοι, ὅπως μὴ κατάδηλοι αὐτόθεν γινόμενοι ξυγχέωσι τὰ πρασσόμενα, ἀλλὰ Λιγούρους ἱερεῖς, χρήμασιν ἁδροῖς ἐς ταύτην ἠγμένους τὴν πρᾶξιν. [2] ὧν ἅτερος μὲν ὅσπερ ἀξιώτερος ἔδοξεν εἶναι, δόκησίν τε καὶ ὄνομα ἐπισκόπου περιβεβλημένος οὐδὲν αὐτῷ προσῆκον, ἐς τὴν πρεσβείαν καθίστατο, ὁ δὲ δὴ ἕτερος αὐτῷ ὑπηρετῶν εἵπετο. [3] ὁδῷ τε ἰόντες ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης χωρία ἑταιρίζονταί τινα ἐνθένδε Σύρας τε καὶ τῆς Ἑλληνίδος φωνῆς ἑρμηνέα σφίσιν ἐσόμενον, ἅπαντάς τε Ῥωμαίους λαθόντες ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἀφίκοντο. ἅτε γὰρ ἐν σπονδαῖς καθεστῶτες οὐκ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ταύτῃ ἐφύλασσον. [4] Χοσρόου τε ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε ‘Τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας, ὦ βασιλεῦ, πρέσβεις τῶν αὐτοῖς ἕνεκα ξυμφόρων ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ξυμβαίνει ἐς τὴν πρεσβείαν καθίστασθαι, ἡμᾶς δὲ Οὐίττιγις ὁ Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε τοὺς λόγους ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς ποιησομένους ἀρχῆς: καὶ αὐτὸν νόμιζε παρόντα σοι τανῦν φθέγγεσθαι τάδε. [5] εἴ τίς σε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ξυνελὼν φαίη τήν τε σὴν βασιλείαν καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους Ἰουστινιανῷ προέσθαι, ὀρθῶς ἂν εἴποι. [6] ὁ μὲν γὰρ νεωτεροποιός τε ὢν φύσει καὶ τῶν οὐδ̓ ὁπωστιοῦν αὐτῷ προσηκόντων ἐρῶν, μένειν τε οὐ δυνάμενος ἐν τοῖς καθεστῶσι, γῆν μὲν ἅπασαν ξυλλαβεῖν ἐπεθύμησεν, ἑκάστην δὲ ἀρχὴν περιβαλέσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔσχεν. [7] εἶτα ῾οὐδὲ γὰρ Πέρσαις κατὰ μόνας ἐγχειρεῖν ἴσχυεν οὐδὲ Περσῶν οἱ ἀντιστατούντων οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ̓ ἄλλους ἰέναἰ σὲ μὲν τῷ τῆς εἰρήνης παραπετάσματι ἐξαπατᾶν ἔγνω, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς βιαζόμενος μεγάλας δυνάμεις ἐπὶ τῇ σῇ ἀρχῇ ἑταιρίζεσθαι. [8] Βανδίλων μὲν οὖν ἤδη καθελὼν τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ Μαυρουσίους καταστρεψάμενος, Γότθων αὐτῷ φιλίας ὀνόματι ἐκποδὼν ἱσταμένων, χρήματά τε μεγάλα καὶ σώματα πολλὰ ἐπαγόμενος ἐφ̓ ἡμᾶς ἥκει. [9] ἔνδηλος δέ ἐστιν, ἢν καὶ Γότθους παντάπασιν ἐξελεῖν δύνηται, ὡς ξὺν ἡμῖν τε καὶ τοῖς ἤδη δεδουλωμένοις ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύσει, οὔτε τὸ τῆς φιλίας ἐννοῶν ὄνομα οὔτε τι τῶν ὀμωμοσμένων ἐρυθριῶν. [10] ἕως οὖν ἔτι σοι λείπεταί τις σωτηρίας ἐλπίς, μήτε ἡμᾶς ἐργάσῃ κακὸν περαιτέρω μηδὲν μήτε αὐτὸς πάθῃς, ἀλλ̓ ὅρα μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἡμετέροις κακοῖς ὅσα ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ξυμβήσεται Πέρσαις, ἐνθυμοῦ δὲ ὡς Ῥωμαῖοι τῇ σῇ βασιλείᾳ εὖνοι μὲν οὐκ ἄν ποτε εἶεν, δυνάμει δὲ κρείσσους γενόμενοι οὐδὲν μελλήσουσι τὸ ἐς Πέρσας ἔχθος ἐνδείκνυσθαι. [11] ἐν δέοντι τοίνυν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ χρῆσαι, μὴ παυσαμένην ἐπιζητήσῃς. λωφήσασα γὰρ ἡ τῶν καιρῶν ἀκμὴ ἐπανιέναι οὐδαμῶς πέφυκεν. ἄμεινον δὲ προτερήσαντα ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ εἶναι ἢ τῶν καιρῶν ὑστερηκότα τὰ πάντων αἰσχρότατα πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων παθεῖν.’ [12] Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Χοσρόης ἤκουσεν, εὖ τέ οἱ παραινεῖν Οὐίττιγις ἔδοξε καὶ λύειν τὰς σπονδὰς ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε. φθόνῳ γὰρ ἐς Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα ἐχόμενος, λογίζεσθαι ὡς ἥκιστα ἔγνω ὅτι δὴ πρὸς ἀνδρῶν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ δυσμενῶν μάλιστα οἱ λόγοι ἐς αὐτὸν γένοιντο. [13] ἀλλὰ τῷ βούλεσθαι ἐς τὸ πεισθῆναι αὐτόμολος ἦλθεν. ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐς τοὺς Ἀρμενίων τε καὶ Λαζῶν λόγους ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἔδρασεν ἅπερ μοι αὐτίκα μάλα λελέξεται. [14] καίτοι τ�
�ιαῦτα Ἰουστινιανῷ ἐπεκάλουν ἐγκλήματα, ἅπερ ἂν εἰκότως βασιλεῖ γενναίῳ ἐγκώμια εἴη, ὅτι δὴ τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν αὑτοῦ μείζω τε ποιῆσαι καὶ πολλῷ ἐπιφανεστέραν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοι. [15] ταῦτα γὰρ καὶ Κύρῳ ἄν τις ἐπενέγκοι τῷ Περσῶν βασιλεῖ καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῷ Μακεδόνι. ἀλλὰ γὰρ φθόνῳ τὸ δίκαιον οὐδαμῆ εἴωθε ξυνοικίζεσθαι. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Χοσρόης τὰς σπονδὰς λύειν διενοεῖτο.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 334