XXIII
Now the disease in Byzantium ran a course of four months, and its greatest virulence lasted about three. And at first the deaths were a little more than the normal, then the mortality rose still higher, and afterwards the tale of dead reached five thousand each day, and again it even came to ten thousand and still more than that. Now in the beginning each man attended to the burial of the dead of his own house, and these they threw even into the tombs of others, either escaping detection or using violence; but afterwards confusion and disorder everywhere became complete. For slaves remained destitute of masters, and men who in former times were very prosperous were deprived of the service of their domestics who were either sick or dead, and many houses became completely destitute of human inhabitants. For this reason it came about that some of the notable men of the city because of the universal destitution remained unburied for many days.
And it fell to the lot of the emperor, as was natural, to make provision for the trouble. He therefore detailed soldiers from the palace and distributed money, commanding Theodorus to take charge of this work; this man held the position of announcer of imperial messages, always announcing to the emperor the petitions of his clients, and declaring to them in turn whatever his wish was. In the Latin tongue the Romans designate this office by the term “referendarius.” So those who had not as yet fallen into complete destitution in their domestic affairs attended individually to the burial of those connected with them. But Theodorus, by giving out the emperor’s money and by making further expenditures from his own purse, kept burying the bodies which were not cared for. And when it came about that all the tombs which had existed previously were filled with the dead, then they dug up all the places about the city one after the other, laid the dead there, each one as he could, and departed; but later on those who were making these trenches, no longer able to keep up with the number of the dying, mounted the towers of the fortifications in Sycae, and tearing off the roofs threw the bodies in there in complete disorder; and they piled them up just as each one happened to fall, and filled practically all the towers with corpses, and then covered them again with their roofs. As a result of this an evil stench pervaded the city and distressed the inhabitants still more, and especially whenever the wind blew fresh from that quarter.
At that time all the customary rites of burial were overlooked. For the dead were not carried out escorted by a procession in the customary manner, nor were the usual chants sung over them, but it was sufficient if one carried on his shoulders the body of one of the dead to the parts of the city which bordered on the sea and flung him down; and there the corpses would be thrown upon skiffs in a heap, to be conveyed wherever it might chance. At that time, too, those of the population who had formerly been members of the factions laid aside their mutual enmity and in common they attended to the burial rites of the dead, and they carried with their own hands the bodies of those who were no connections of theirs and buried them. Nay, more, those who in times past used to take delight in devoting themselves to pursuits both shameful and base, shook off the unrighteousness of their daily lives and practised the duties of religion with diligence, not so much because they had learned wisdom at last nor because they had become all of a sudden lovers of virtue, as it were — for when qualities have become fixed in men by nature or by the training of a long period of time, it is impossible for them to lay them aside thus lightly, except, indeed, some divine influence for good has breathed upon them — but then all, so to speak, being thoroughly terrified by the things which were happening, and supposing that they would die immediately, did, as was natural, learn respectability for a season by sheer necessity. Therefore as soon as they were rid of the disease and were saved, and already supposed that they were in security, since the curse had moved on to other peoples, then they turned sharply about and reverted once more to their baseness of heart, and now, more than before, they make a display of the inconsistency of their conduct, altogether surpassing themselves in villainy and in lawlessness of every sort. For one could insist emphatically without falsehood that this disease, whether by chance or by some providence, chose out with exactitude the worst men and let them go free. But these things were displayed to the world in later times.
During that time it seemed no easy thing to see any man in the streets of Byzantium, but all who had the good fortune to be in health were sitting in their houses, either attending the sick or mourning the dead. And if one did succeed in meeting a man going out, he was carrying one of the dead. And work of every description ceased, and all the trades were abandoned by the artisans, and all other work as well, such as each had in hand. Indeed in a city which was simply abounding in all good things starvation almost absolute was running riot. Certainly it seemed a difficult and very notable thing to have a sufficiency of bread or of anything else; so that with some of the sick it appeared that the end of life came about sooner than it should have come by reason of the lack of the necessities of life. And, to put all in a word, it was not possible to see a single man in Byzantium clad in the chlamys, and especially when the emperor became ill (for he too had a swelling of the groin), but in a city which held dominion over the whole Roman empire every man was wearing clothes befitting private station and remaining quietly at home. Such was the course of the pestilence in the Roman empire at large as well as in Byzantium. And it fell also upon the land of the Persians and visited all the other barbarians besides.
Ἐτύγχανε δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ἐξ Ἀσσυρίων ἐς χωρίον Ἀδαρβιγάνων ἥκων πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον, ἔνθεν διενοεῖτο ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν διὰ Περσαρμενίων ἐσβάλλειν. [2] τὸ μέγα πυρεῖον ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν, ὃ σέβονται Πέρσαι θεῶν μάλιστα. οὗ δὴ τὸ πῦρ ἄσβεστον φυλάσσοντες μάγοι τά τε ἄλλα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἐξοσιοῦνται καὶ μαντείῳ ἐς τῶν πραγμάτων τὰ μέγιστα χρῶνται. τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ πῦρ ὅπερ Ἑστίαν ἐκάλουν τε καὶ ἐσέβοντο ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις Ῥωμαῖοι. [3] ἐνταῦθα σταλείς τις ἐκ Βυζαντίου παρὰ Χοσρόην ἀπήγγελλε Κωνσταντιανόν τε καὶ Σέργιον πρέσβεις ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ξυμβάσει αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἀφίξεσθαι. [4] ἤστην δὲ τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ῥήτορέ τε ἄμφω καὶ ξυνετὼ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, Κωνσταντιανὸς μὲν Ἰλλυριὸς γένος, Σέργιος δὲ ἐξ Ἐδέσσης πόλεως, ἣ ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ τυγχάνει οὖσα. [5] οὓς δὴ ὁ Χοσρόης προσδεχόμενος ἡσυχῆ ἔμενεν. ἐν δὲ τῇ πορείᾳ ταύτῃ Κωνσταντιανοῦ νοσήσαντος καὶ χρόνου τριβέντος συχνοῦ, τὸν λοιμὸν ἐπισκῆψαι Πέρσαις ξυνέπεσε. [6] διὸ δὴ Ναβέδης τηνικαῦτα ἐν Περσαρμενίοις τὴν στρατηγίδα ἔχων ἀρχὴν τὸν ἐν Δούβιος τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἱερέα βασιλέως ἐπαγγείλαντος παρὰ Βαλεριανὸν τὸν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις στρατηγὸν ἔπεμψεν, αἰτιασόμενόν τε τὴν τῶν πρέσβεων βραδυτῆτα καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην ὁρμήσοντα προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ. [7] καὶ ὃς ξὺν τῷ ἀδελφῷ ἐς Ἀρμενίους ἥκων, τῷ τε Βαλεριανῷ ἐντυχών, αὐτός τε Ῥωμαίοις ἅτε Χριστιανὸς ἰσχυρίζετο εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχειν καί οἱ βασιλέα Χοσρόην πείθεσθαι ἀεὶ ἐς βουλὴν πᾶσαν: ὥστε ἢν Ῥωμαίων οἱ πρέσβεις ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ξὺν αὐτῷ ἔλθωσιν, οὐκ ἄν τι αὐτοῖς ἐμπόδισμα εἴη τοῦ τὴν εἰρήνην ὅπ
η βούλονται διαθήσεσθαι. [8] ὁ μὲν οὖν ἱερεὺς τοσαῦτα εἶπεν: ὁ δὲ τοῦ ἱερέως ἀδελφὸς Βαλεριανῷ ἐντυχὼν λάθρα Χοσρόην ἐν μεγάλοις εἶναι κακοῖς ἔφασκε: τόν τε γάρ οἱ παῖδα τυραννίδι ἐπιθέμενον ἐπαναστῆναι, καὶ αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ ξὺν παντὶ τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ τῇ νόσῳ ἁλῶναι: διὸ δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις τανῦν ἐς τὴν ξύμβασιν ἐθέλειν ἰέναι. [9] ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Βαλεριανὸς ἤκουσε, τὸν μὲν ἐπίσκοπον εὐθὺς ἀπεπέμψατο, τοὺς πρέσβεις οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ὑποσχόμενος παρὰ Χοσρόην ἀφίξεσθαι, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς λόγους ἐς βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν οὕσπερ ἠκηκόει ἀνήνεγκεν. [10] οἷς δὴ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτίκα ἠγμένος αὐτῷ τε καὶ Μαρτίνῳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄρχουσιν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐσβάλλειν εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν ἐπέστελλεν. εὖ γὰρ οἶδεν ὡς αὐτοῖς τῶν πολεμίων οὐδεὶς ἐμποδὼν στήσεται. [11] ἐκέλευε δὲ ξυλλεγέντας ἐς ταὐτὸ ἅπαντας οὕτω τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐπὶ Περσαρμενίους ποιήσασθαι. ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ἀπενεχθέντα οἱ ἄρχοντες τὰ γράμματα εἶδον, ἅπαντες ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἑπομένοις ξυνέρρεον ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Ἀρμενίας χωρία. [12] Ἤδη δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τὸ Ἀδαρβιγάνων δέει τῷ ἐκ τῆς νόσου ἀπολιπὼν ἐς τὴν Ἀσσυρίαν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, ἔνθα δὴ οὔπω ἐνδεδημήκει τὸ τοῦ λοιμοῦ πάθος. Βαλεριανὸς μὲν οὖν Θεοδοσιουπόλεως ἄγχιστα ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν καταλόγοις, καί οἱ Ναρσῆς ξυνετάττετο Ἀρμενίους τε καὶ Ἐρούλων τινὰς ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων. [13] Μαρτῖνος δὲ ὁ τῆς ἕω στρατηγὸς ξύν τε Ἰλδίγερι καὶ Θεοκτίστῳ ἐς Κιθαρίζων τὸ φρούριον ἀφικόμενος ἐνταῦθά τε πηξάμενος τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ ἔμεινε: διέχει δὲ Θεοδοσιουπόλεως ὁδῷ τεττάρων ἡμερῶν τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο: ἵνα καὶ Πέτρος οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ξύν τε Ἀδολίῳ καὶ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἄρχουσιν ἦλθεν. [14] ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῶν ταύτῃ καταλόγων Ἰσαάκης ὁ Ναρσοῦ ἀδελφός. Φιλημοὺθ δὲ καὶ Βῆρος ξὺν Ἐρούλοις τοῖς σφίσιν ἑπομένοις ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Χορζιανηνῆς χωρία ἦλθον, τοῦ Μαρτίνου στρατοπέδου οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν. [15] Ἰοῦστός τε ὁ βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸς καὶ Περάνιος καὶ Ἰωάννης ὁ Νικήτου παῖς ξύν τε Δομνεντιόλῳ καὶ Ἰωάννῃ τῷ Φαγᾷ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο πρὸς τῷ Φισῶν καλουμένῳ φρουρίῳ, ὅπερ ἄγχιστά πη τῶν Μαρτυροπόλεως ὁρίων ἐστίν. [16] οὕτω μὲν οὖν ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο οἱ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντες ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις, ξυνῄει δὲ ὁ στρατὸς ἅπας ἐς τρισμυρίους. [17] οὗτοι ἅπαντες οὔτε ἐς ταὐτὸ ξυνελέγησαν, οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἀλλήλοις ἐς λόγους ἦλθον. πέμποντες δὲ παῤ ἀλλήλους οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν σφίσιν ἑπομένων τινὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐσβολῆς ἐπυνθάνοντο. [18] ἄφνω δὲ Πέτρος, οὐδενὶ κοινολογησάμενος, ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν ἀνεπισκέπτως ἐς τὴν πολεμίαν ἐσέβαλλεν. ὅπερ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ ἐπιγινομένῃ γνόντες Φιλημούθ τε καὶ Βῆρος, οἱ τῶν Ἐρούλων ἡγούμενοι, εὐθὺς εἵποντο. [19] ἐπεί τε ταῦτα οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον καὶ Βαλεριανὸν ἔμαθον, τῇ ἐσβολῇ κατὰ τάχος ἐχρῶντο. [20] ἅπαντες δὲ ἀλλήλοις ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἀνεμίγνυντο ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ, πλὴν Ἰούστου τε καὶ τῶν ξὺν αὐτῷ, οἳ δὴ μακράν τε ἄποθεν, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐστρατοπεδευμένοι τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ, καὶ χρόνῳ ὕστερον τὴν ἐκείνων ἐσβολὴν γνόντες, καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐσέβαλλον ὡς τάχιστα ἐς τὴν κατ̓ αὐτοὺς πολεμίαν, ἀναμίγνυσθαι δὲ τοῖς ξυνάρχουσιν οὐδαμῆ ἔσχον. [21] οἱ μέντοι ἄλλοι ξύμπαντες ἐπορεύοντο εὐθὺ Δούβιος, οὔτε ληιζόμενοι οὔτε τι ἄλλο ἄχαρι πράσσοντες ἐς τὴν Περσῶν χώραν.
XXIV
[545 A.D.] Now it happened that Chosroes had come from Assyria to a place toward the north called Adarbiganon, from which he was planning to make an invasion into the Roman domain through Persarmenia. In that place is the great sanctuary of fire, which the Persians reverence above all other gods. There the fire is guarded unquenched by the Magi, and they perform carefully a great number of sacred rites, and in particular they consult an oracle on those matters which are of the greatest importance. This is the fire which the Romans worshipped under the name of Hestia in ancient times. There someone who had been sent from Byzantium to Chosroes announced that Constantianus and Sergius would come before him directly as envoys to arrange the treaty. Now these two men were both trained speakers and exceedingly clever; Constantianus was an Illyrian by birth, and Sergius was from the city of Edessa in Mesopotamia. And Chosroes remained quiet expecting these men. But in the course of the journey thither Constantianus became ill and much time was consumed; in the meantime it came about that the pestilence fell upon the Persians. For this reason Nabedes, who at that time held the office of general in Persarmenia, sent the priest of the Christians in Dubios by direction of the king to Valerianus, the general in Armenia, in order to reproach the envoys for their tardiness and to urge the Romans with all zeal toward peace. And he came with his brother to Armenia, and, meeting Valerianus, declared that he himself, as a Christian, was favourably disposed toward the Romans, and that the king Chosroes always followed his advice in every matter; so that if the ambassadors would come with him to the land of Persia, there would be nothing to prevent them from arranging the peace as they wished. Thus then spoke the priest; but the brother of the priest met Valerianus secretly and said that Chosroes was in great straits: for his son had risen against him in an attempt to set up a tyranny, and he himself together with the whole Persian army had been taken with the plague; and this was the reason why he wished just now to settle the agreement with the Romans. When Valerianus heard this, he straightway dismissed the bishop, promising that the envoys would come to Chosroes at no distant time, but he himself reported the words which he had heard to the Emperor Justinian. This led the emperor immediately to send word to him and to Martinus and the other commanders to invade the enemy’s territory as quickly as possible. For he knew well that no one of the enemy would stand in their way. And he commanded them to gather all in one place and so make their invasion into Persarmenia. When the commanders received these letters, all of them together with their followers began to gather into the land of Armenia.
And already Chosroes had abandoned Adarbiganon a little before through fear of the plague and was off with his whole army into Assyria, where the pestilence had not as yet become epidemic. Valerianus accordin
gly encamped close by Theodosiopolis with the troops under him; and with him was arrayed Narses, who had with him Armenians and some of the Eruli. And Martinus, the General of the East, together with Ildiger and Theoctistus, reached the fortress of Citharizon, and fixing his camp there, remained on the spot. This fortress is separated from Theodosiopolis by a journey of four days. There too Peter came not long afterwards together with Adolius and some other commanders. Now the troops in this region were commanded by Isaac, the brother of Narses. And Philemouth and Beros with the Eruli who were under them came into the territory of Chorzianene, not far from the camp of Martinus. And Justus, the emperor’s nephew, and Peranius and John, the son of Nicetas, together with Domentiolus and John, who was called the Glutton, made camp near the place called Phison, which is close by the boundaries of Martyropolis. Thus then were encamped the Roman commanders with their troops; and the whole army amounted to thirty thousand men. Now all these troops were neither gathered into one place, nor indeed was there any general meeting for conference. But the generals sent to each other some of their followers and began to make enquiries concerning the invasion. Suddenly, however, Peter, without communicating with anyone, and without any careful consideration, invaded the hostile land with his troops. And when on the following day this was found out by Philemouth and Beros, the leaders of the Eruli, they straightway followed. And when this in turn came to the knowledge of Martinus and Valerianus and their men, they quickly joined in the invasion. And all of them a little later united with each other in the enemy’s territory, with the exception of Justus and his men, who, as I have said, had encamped far away from the rest of the army, and learned later of their invasion; then, indeed, they also invaded the territory of the enemy as quickly as possible at the point where they were, but failed altogether to unite with the other commanders. As for the others, they proceeded in a body straight for Doubios, neither plundering nor damaging in any other way the land of the Persians.
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