Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  Βανδίλοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ᾠκημένοι λίμνην, ἐπειδὴ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, ἐς Γερμανούς τε, οἳ νῦν Φράγγοι καλοῦνται, καὶ ποταμὸν Ῥῆνον ἐχώρουν, [2] Ἀλανοὺς ἑταιρισάμενοι, Γοτθικὸν ἔθνος. εἶτα ἐνθένδε, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γωδιγίσκλου, ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο, ἣ πρώτη ἐστὶν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ χώρα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. τότε ξυμβαίνει Γωδιγίσκλῳ Ὁνώριος ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ οὐκ ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς χώρας ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσονται. [3] νόμου δὲ ὄντος Ῥωμαίοις, ἤν τινες οὐχ ὑπὸ ταῖς οἰκείαις χερσὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοιεν καὶ τρίβοιτο χρόνος εἰς τριάκοντα ἐνιαυτοὺς ἥκων, τούτοις δὴ οὐκέτι εἶναι κυρίοις ἐπὶ τοὺς βιασαμένους ἰέναι, ἀλλ̓ ἐς παραγραφὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκρίσθαι τὴν ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον εἴσοδον, νόμον ἔγραψεν ὅπως ὁ τῶν Βανδίλων χρόνος, ὃν ἂν ἔν γε τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ διατρίβοιεν, ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν τριακοντοῦτιν παραγραφὴν ἥκιστα φέροιτο. [4] Ὁνώριος μέν, ἐς τοῦτό οἱ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἐληλαμένης, ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ. ἐτύγχανε δὲ πρότερον ξὺν τῷ Ὁνωρίῳ τὴν βασιλείαν Κωνστάντιος ἔχων, τῆς Ἀρκαδίου τε καὶ Ὁνωρίου ἀδελφῆς Πλακιδίας ἀνήρ, ὃς ἡμέρας τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐπιβιοὺς ὀλίγας, πονήρως τε νοσήσας εἶτα ἀπέθανεν, Ὁνωρίου ζῶντος, οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπεῖν λόγου ἄξιον οὔτε πρᾶξαι ἰσχύσας: οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐπήρκει ὁ χρόνος ὃν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐβίου. [5] τούτου δὴ τοῦ Κωνσταντίου παῖς Βαλεντινιανός, ἄρτι τοῦ τιτθοῦ ἀπαλλαγείς, ἐν τοῖς Θεοδοσίου βασιλείοις ἐτρέφετο, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ βασιλέως αὐλῆς τῶν τινα ἐκείνῃ στρατιωτῶν, Ἰωάννην ὄνομα, βασιλέα αἱροῦνται. [6] ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ πρᾷός τε καὶ ξυνέσεως εὖ ἥκων καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενος. [7] πέντε γοῦν ἔτη τὴν τυραννίδα ἔχων μετρίως ἐξηγήσατο, καὶ οὔτε τοῖς διαβάλλουσι τὴν ἀκοὴν ὑπέσχεν οὔτε φόνον ἄδικον εἰργάσατο ἑκών γε εἶναι οὔτε χρημάτων ἀφαιρέσει ἐπέθετο: ἐς δὲ βαρβάρους οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πρᾶξαι οἷός τε ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Βυζαντίου πολέμια ἦν. [8] ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν Ἰωάννην Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ἀρκαδίου στρατὸν πολὺν πέμψας καὶ στρατηγοὺς Ἄσπαρά τε καὶ Ἀρδαβούριον, τὸν Ἄσπαρος υἱόν, αὐτόν τε ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ Βαλεντινιανῷ ἔτι παιδὶ ὄντι τὴν βασιλείαν παρέδωκε. [9] ζῶντα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς Ἰωάννην λαβὼν ἔν τε τῷ Ἀκυληίας ἱπποδρομίῳ τὴν ἑτέραν ταῖν χεροῖν ἀποκοπέντα εἰσῆγεν ἐπόμπευσέ τε ὄνῳ ὀχούμενον, καὶ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς ἐνταῦθα παθόντα τε καὶ ἀκούσαντα ἔκτεινεν. οὕτω μὲν Βαλεντινιανὸς τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας παρέλαβε κράτος. [10] Πλακιδία δὲ ἡ αὐτοῦ μήτηρ θηλυνομένην παιδείαν τε καὶ τροφὴν τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον ἐξέθρεψέ τε καὶ ἐξεπαίδευσε, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ κακίας ἔμπλεως ἐκ παιδὸς γέγονε. [11] φαρμακεῦσί τε γὰρ τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐς τὰ ἄστρα περιέργοις ὡμίλει, ἔς τε ἀλλοτρίων γυναικῶν ἔρωτας δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακὼς πολλῇ ἐχρῆτο ἐς τὴν δίαιταν παρανομίᾳ, καίπερ γυναικὶ ξυνοικῶν εὐπρεπεῖ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ. [12] ταῦτά τοι οὐδέ τι ἀνεσώσατο τῇ βασιλείᾳ ὧν ἀφῄρητο πρότερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λιβύην προσαπώλεσε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφθάρη. [13] καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐτελεύτησε, τῇ τε γυναικὶ ταῖς τε παισὶ δορυαλώτοις γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσε. γέγονε δὲ ὧδε τὸ ἐν Λιβύῃ πάθος. [14] Στρατηγὼ δύο Ῥωμαίων ἤστην, Ἀέτιός τε καὶ Βονιφάτιος, καρτερώ τε ὡς μάλιστα καὶ πολλῶν πολέμων ἐμπείρω τῶν γε κατ̓ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον οὐδενὸς ἧσσον. [15] τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε διαφόρω μὲν τὰ πολιτικὰ ἐγενέσθην, ἐς τοσοῦτον δὲ μεγαλοψυχίας τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς ἡκέτην ὥστε, εἴ τις αὐτοῖν ἑκάτερον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ὕστατον εἴποι, οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι: οὕτω τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρετὴν ξύμπασαν ἐς τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε ἀποκεκρίσθαι τετύχηκε. [16] τούτοιν τὸν ἕτερον Βονιφάτιον ἡ Πλακιδία στρατηγὸν ἀπέδειξε Λιβύης ἁπάσης. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν Ἀετίῳ, ἀλλ̓ ἥκιστά γε ὡς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀρέσκει ἐξήνεγκεν. οὔπω γὰρ αὐτοῖν ἡ ἔχθρα ἐς φῶς ἐληλύθει, ἀλλ̓ ὑπὸ τῷ προσώπῳ ἑκατέρῳ ἐκρύπτετο. [17] ἐπεὶ δέ οἱ Βονιφάτιος ἐκποδὼν ἐγεγόνει, διέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν Πλακιδίαν ὡς τυραννοίη, ἀποστερήσας αὐτήν τε καὶ βασιλέα Λιβύης ἁπάσης, ῥᾴδιόν τε εἶναι αὐτῇ ἔλεγε τἀληθὲς ἐξευρεῖν: ἢν γὰρ μεταπέμποιτο Βονιφάτιον ἐς Ῥώμην, οὐ μή ποτε ἔλθῃ. [18] ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν ἡ γυνή, εὖ τέ οἱ εἰπεῖν Ἀέτιος ἔδοξε καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. προτερήσας δὲ Ἀέτιος ἔγραψε πρὸς Βονιφάτιον λάθρα ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι αὐτῷ ἡ βασιλέως μήτηρ καὶ βούλοιτο αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι. [19] καί οἱ τεκμήριον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς προηγόρευεν ἔσεσθαι μέγα: ἐξ αἰτίας γὰρ οὐδεμιᾶς αὐτίκα μάλα μετάπεμπτος ἔσται. ταῦτα μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐδήλου. [20] Βονιφάτιος δὲ οὐκ ἀλογήσας τὰ γεγραμμένα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα παρῆσαν οἳ αὐτὸν ὡς βασιλέα ἐκάλουν, ἀπεῖπε τὸ μὴ βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τῇ αὐτοῦ μητρὶ ἐπακούειν, οὐδενὶ τὴν Ἀετίου ὑποθήκην ἐκφήνας. [21] Πλακιδία μὲν οὖν ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, Ἀέτιόν τε τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνουν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾤετο εἶναι καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ Βονιφατίου ἐν βουλῇ εἶχε. [22] Βονιφάτιος δὲ ῾καὶ γάρ οἱ οὔτε βασιλεῖ ἐδόκει ἀντιτάξασθαι οἵῳ τε εἶναι ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀπιόντι οὐδεμία σωτηρία ἐφαίνετὀ βουλεύεται ὅπως οἱ, ἢν δύνηται, ὁμαιχμία ἐς τοὺς Βανδίλους ἔσται, οἳ ἐν
Ἱσπανίᾳ, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, οὐ πόρρω Λιβύης ἱδρύσαντο. [23] ἔνθα δὴ Γωδίγισκλος μὲν ἐτεθνήκει, διεδέξαντο δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ ἐκείνου παῖδες, Γόνθαρις μὲν ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ γαμετῆς γεγονώς, Γιζέριχος δὲ νόθος. [24] ἀλλ̓ ὁ μὲν ἔτι ἦν παῖς καὶ τὸ δραστήριον οὐ σφόδρα ἔχων, Γιζέριχος δὲ τά τε πολέμια ὡς ἄριστα ἐξήσκητο καὶ δεινότατος ἦν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. [25] πέμψας οὖν ἐς Ἱσπανίαν Βονιφάτιος τοὺς αὑτῷ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείους ἑκάτερον τῶν Γωδιγίσκλου παίδων ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ προσεποιήσατο, ἐφ̓ ᾧ αὐτῶν ἕκαστον τὸ Λιβύης τριτημόριον ἔχοντα τῶν κατ̓ αὐτὸν ἄρχειν: ἢν δέ τις ἐπ̓ αὐτῶν τινα ἴοι πολεμήσων, [26] κοινῇ τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμύνασθαι. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ Βανδίλοι τὸν ἐν Γαδείροις πορθμὸν διαβάντες ἐς Λιβύην ἀφίκοντο καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο. [27] ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ οἱ Βονιφατίῳ ἐπιτήδειοι, τοῦ τε τρόπου ἐνθυμούμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογιζόμενοί τε ἡλίκος ὁ παράλογος ἦν, ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ Βονιφάτιος τυραννοίη, τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν Πλακιδίας ἐπαγγελλούσης ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἦλθον. [28] ἔνθα δὴ Βονιφατίῳ συγγενόμενοι τά τε Ἀετίου γράμματα εἶδον καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἐς Ῥώμην τε ὡς εἶχον τάχους ἀνέστρεφον καὶ ὅπως αὐτῇ Βονιφάτιος ἔχοι ἀπήγγελλον. [29] καταπλαγεῖσα δὲ ἡ γυνὴ Ἀέτιον μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι οὐδέ τι ὠνείδισεν ὧν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν βασιλέως οἶκον ἐπέπρακτο, ἐπεὶ αὐτός τε δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας πράγματα πονηρὰ ἤδη ἦν: τοῖς δὲ Βονιφατίου φίλοις τήν τε Ἀετίου ὑποθήκην ἔφραζε καὶ πίστεις παρεχομένη καὶ ὅρκια ἔχρῃζεν αὐτῶν ὅπως τὸν ἄνδρα, ἢν δύνωνται, πείσουσιν ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, οὐ περιιδόντα ὑπὸ βαρβάροις κειμένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν. [30] ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Βονιφάτιος ἤκουσε ταῦτα, τῆς τε πράξεως αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁμολογίας μετέμελε, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐλιπάρει μύρια πάντα ὑποδεχόμενος ἀπὸ Λιβύης ἀνίστασθαι. [31] τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένων τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ περιυβρίζεσθαι οἰομένων, ἐς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν ἠναγκάσθη καὶ ἡσσηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ ἐς Ἱππονερέγιον ἀνεχώρησε, πόλιν ὀχυρὰν ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην. [32] ἔνθα δὴ οἱ Βανδίλοι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι Γιζερίχου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου ἐπολιόρκουν: Γόνθαρις γὰρ ἤδη ἐτεθνήκει. φασὶ δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἀπολέσθαι. [33] Βανδίλοι δὲ τούτοις οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες Γόνθαρίν φασιν ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ πρὸς Γερμανῶν ξυλληφθέντα ἐν μάχῃ ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι, καὶ Γιζέριχον ἤδη αὐτοκράτορα ὄντα Βανδίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἡγήσασθαι. [34] ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω πρὸς Βανδίλων ἀκήκοα. χρόνου δὲ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε βία οὔτε ὁμολογίᾳ τὸ Ἱππονερέγιον παραστήσασθαι οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, τὴν προσεδρείαν διέλυσαν. [35] ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Βονιφάτιός τε καὶ οἱ ἐν Λιβύῃ Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου πολὺς στρατὸς ἦλθε καὶ στρατηγὸς Ἄσπαρ, ἀναμαχέσασθαί τε ἠξίουν καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσημένοι τῶν πολεμίων ὅπη ἕκαστος ἐδύναντο ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. [36] καὶ ὅ τε Ἄσπαρ ἐπ̓ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη καὶ Βονιφάτιος ὡς Πλακιδίαν ἀφικόμενος τὴν ὑποψίαν διέλυεν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξ ἀληθοῦς αἰτίας ἐς αὐτὸν γένοιτο.

  III

  Now the Vandals dwelling about the Maeotic Lake, since they were pressed by hunger, moved to the country of the Germans, who are now called Franks, and the river Rhine, associating with themselves the Alani, a Gothic people. Then from there, under the leadership of Godigisclus, they moved and settled in Spain, which is the first land of the Roman empire on the side of the ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreement with Godigisclus that they should settle there on condition that it should not be to the detriment of the country. But there was a law among the Romans, that if any persons should fail to keep their property in their own possession, and if, meanwhile, a time amounting to thirty years should pass, that these persons should thenceforth not be entitled to proceed against those who had forced them out, but they were excluded by demurrer from access to the court; and in view of this he established a law that whatever time should be spent by the Vandals in the Roman domain should not by any means be counted toward this thirty-year demurrer. And Honorius himself, when the West had been driven by him to this pass, died of disease. [Aug. 27, 423 A.D.] Now before this, as it happened, the royal power had been shared by Honorius with Constantius, the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius and Honorius; but he lived to exercise the power only a few days, and then, becoming seriously ill, he died while Honorius was still living, [421 A.D.] having never succeeded in saying or in doing anything worth recounting; for the time was not sufficient during which he lived in possession of the royal power. Now a son of this Constantius, Valentinian, a child just weaned, was being reared in the palace of Theodosius, but the members of the imperial court in Rome chose one of the soldiers there, John by name, as emperor. This man was both gentle and well-endowed with sagacity and thoroughly capable of valorous deeds. At any rate he held the tyranny five years and directed it with moderation, and he neither gave ear to slanderers nor did he do any unjust murder, willingly at least, nor did he set his hand to robbing men of money; but he did not prove able to do anything at all against the barbarians, since his relations with Byzantium were hostile. Against this John, Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, sent a great army and Aspar and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, as generals, and wrested from him the tyranny and gave over the royal power to Valentinian, who was still a child. And Valentinian took John alive, and he brought him out in the hippodrome of Aquileia with one of his hands cut off and caused him to ride in state on an ass, and then after he had suffered much ill treatment from the stage-performers there, both in word and in deed, he put him to death. [426 A.D.] Thus Valentinian took over the power of the West. But Placidia, his mother, had reared this emperor and educated him in an altogether effeminate manner, and in consequence he was filled with wickedness from childhood. For he associated mostly with sorcerers and those who busy themselves with the stars, and, being an extraordinarily zealous pursuer of love affairs with other men’s wives, he conducted himself in a most indecent manner, although
he was married to a woman of exceptional beauty. [455 A.D.] And not only was this true, but he also failed to recover for the empire anything of what had been wrested from it before, and he both lost Libya in addition to the territory previously lost and was himself destroyed. And when he perished, it fell to the lot of his wife and his children to become captives. Now the disaster in Libya came about as follows.

  There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, especially valiant men and in experience of many wars inferior to none of that time at least. These two came to be at variance in regard to matters of state, but they attained to such a degree of highmindedness and excellence in every respect that if one should call either of them “the last of the Romans” he would not err, so true was it that all the excellent qualities of the Romans were summed up in these two men. One of these, Boniface, was appointed by Placidia general of all Libya. Now this was not in accord with the wishes of Aetius, but he by no means disclosed the fact that it did not please him. For their hostility had not as yet come to light, but was concealed behind the countenance of each. But when Boniface had got out of the way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia, saying that he was setting up a tyranny and had robbed her and the emperor of all Libya, and he said that it was very easy for her to find out the truth; for if she should summon Boniface to Rome, he would never come. And when the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to speak well and she acted accordingly. But Aetius, anticipating her, wrote to Boniface secretly that the mother of the emperor was plotting against him and wished to put him out of the way. And he predicted to him that there would be convincing proof of the plot; for he would be summoned very shortly for no reason at all. Such was the announcement of the letter. And Boniface did not disregard the message, for as soon as those arrived who were summoning him to the emperor, he refused to give heed to the emperor and his mother, disclosing to no one the warning of Aetius. So when Placidia heard this, she thought that Aetius was exceedingly well-disposed towards the emperor’s cause and took under consideration the question of Boniface. But Boniface, since it did not seem to him that he was able to array himself against the emperor, and since if he returned to Rome there was clearly no safety for him, began to lay plans so that, if possible, he might have a defensive alliance with the Vandals, who, as previously stated, had established themselves in Spain not far from Libya. There Godigisclus had died and the royal power had fallen to his sons, Gontharis, who was born to him from his wedded wife, and Gizeric, of illegitimate birth. But the former was still a child and not of very energetic temper, while Gizeric had been excellently trained in warfare, and was the cleverest of all men. Boniface accordingly sent to Spain those who were his own most intimate friends and gained the adherence of each of the sons of Godigisclus on terms of complete equality, it being agreed that each one of the three, holding a third part of Libya, should rule over his own subjects; but if a foe should come against any one of them to make war, that they should in common ward off the aggressors. On the basis of this agreement the Vandals crossed the strait at Gadira and came into Libya, and the Visigoths in later times settled in Spain. But in Rome the friends of Boniface, remembering the character of the man and considering how strange his action was, were greatly astonished to think that Boniface was setting up a tyranny, and some of them at the order of Placidia went to Carthage. There they met Boniface, and saw the letter of Aetius, and after hearing the whole story they returned to Rome as quickly as they could and reported to Placidia how Boniface stood in relation to her. And though the woman was dumbfounded, she did nothing unpleasant to Aetius nor did she upbraid him for what he had done to the emperor’s house, for he himself wielded great power and the affairs of the empire were already in an evil plight; but she disclosed to the friends of Boniface the advice Aetius had given, and, offering oaths and pledges of safety, entreated them to persuade the man, if they could, to return to his fatherland and not to permit the empire of the Romans to lie under the hand of barbarians. And when Boniface heard this, he repented of his act and of his agreement with the barbarians, and he besought them incessantly, promising them everything, to remove from Libya. But since they did not receive his words with favour, but considered that they were being insulted, he was compelled to fight with them, and being defeated in the battle, he retired to Hippo Regius, a strong city in the portion of Numidia that is on the sea. There the Vandals made camp under the leadership of Gizeric and began a siege; for Gontharis had already died. And they say that he perished at the hand of his brother. The Vandals, however, do not agree with those who make this statement, but say that Gontharis’ was captured in battle by Germans in Spain and impaled, and that Gizeric was already sole ruler when he led the Vandals into Libya. This, indeed, I have heard from the Vandals, stated in this way. But after much time had passed by, since they were unable to secure Hippo Regius either by force or by surrender, and since at the same time they were being pressed by hunger, they raised the siege. And a little later Boniface and the Romans in Libya, since a numerous army had come from both Rome and Byzantium and Aspar with them as general, decided to renew the struggle, and a fierce battle was fought in which they were badly beaten by the enemy, and they made haste to flee as each one could. And Aspar betook himself homeward, and Boniface, coming before Placidia, acquitted himself of the suspicion, showing that it had arisen against him for no true cause.