Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  Βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανός, ἐπεί οἱ τά τε οἴκοι καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας ὡς ἄριστα εἶχε, τὰ ἐν Λιβύῃ πράγματα ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο. [2] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξήνεγκεν ὡς στρατιὰν ἀγείροι ἐπὶ Βανδίλους τε καὶ Γελίμερα, οἱ πλεῖστοι ἤδη ἐδυσχέραινόν τε καὶ ἐν ξυμφορᾷ ἦσαν, τόν τε Λέοντος τοῦ βασιλέως στόλον καὶ τὸ τοῦ Βασιλίσκου πάθος ἀνανεούμενοί τε καὶ ἀποστοματίζοντες στρατ̣̣̔̓ώτας μὲν ὅσοι ἀπέθανον, χρήματα δὲ ὅσα τὸ δημόσιον ὦφλε. [3] μάλιστα δὲ ἤλγουν τε καὶ περιώδυνοι τῇ μερίμνῃ ἐγίνοντο ὅ τε τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος, ὃν δὴ πραίτωρα καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ ὁ τοῦ ταμιείου ἡγούμενος καὶ ὅτῳ ἄλλῳ φόρου ξυλλογὴ δημοσίου ἢ βασιλικοῦ ἐπετέτακτο, λογιζόμενοι ὅτι αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν τοῦ πολέμου χρείαν δεήσει ἄμετρα φέρουσιν οὔτε ξυγγνώμης τινὸς οὔτε ἀναβολῆς ἀξίοις εἶναι. [4] τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν αὐτὸς ἕκαστος στρατηγήσειν οἰόμενος κατωρρώδει τε καὶ ἀπώκνει τοῦ κινδύνου τὸ μέγεθος, εἴ οἱ ἀναγκαῖον εἴη διασωθέντι ἐκ τῶν ἐν θαλάσσῃ κακῶν στρατοπεδεύεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ, ἐκ δὲ τῶν νεῶν ὁρμωμένῳ διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς βασιλείαν μεγάλην τε καὶ λόγου ἀξίαν. [5] οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἄρτι ἐκ πολέμου μακροῦ τε καὶ χαλεποῦ ἐπανήκοντες οὔπω τε ὅλῃ γλώσσῃ ἀγαθῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν γευσάμενοι ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ ἐγίνοντο ἔς τε ναυμαχίαν ἀγόμενοι, ἣν οὐδὲ ἀκοῇ πρότερον παραλαβόντες ἐτύγχανον, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἑῴων ὁρίων στελλόμενοι ἐς τὰς τοῦ ἡλίου δυσμάς, ἐφ̓ ᾧ διακινδυνεύσουσι πρός τε Βανδίλους καὶ Μαυρουσίους. [6] οἱ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι, ἅπερ ἐν ὁμίλῳ φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι, νεωτέρων πραγμάτων ἤθελον διὰ κινδύνων ἀλλοτρίων θεαταὶ γενέσθαι. [7] Βασιλεῖ μέντοι εἰπεῖν τι ἐπὶ κωλύμῃ τῆς στρατιᾶς οὐδείς, ὅτι μὴ ὁ Καππαδόκης Ἰωάννης, ἐτόλμησεν, ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος, θρασύτατός τε ὢν καὶ δεινότατος τῶν κατ̓ αὐτὸν ἁπάντων. [8] οὗτος γὰρ Ἰωάννης, τῶν ἄλλων σιωπῇ τὰς παρούσας ὀδυρομένων τύχας, παρελθὼν ἐς βασιλέα ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ‘Τὸ πιστόν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῆς ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους τοὺς σοὺς ὁμιλίας τὴν παρρησίαν ἡμῖν ἀναπετάννυσιν ὅ τι ἂν μέλλοι τῇ πολιτείᾳ τῇ σῇ ξυνοίσειν, ἢν καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονήν σοι τὰ λεγόμενά τε καὶ πρασσόμενα ᾖ. [9] οὕτω γάρ σοι κεράννυσι τῷ δικαίῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἡ σύνεσις, ὥστε οὐ τὸν ὑπηρετήσαντα πάντως εὔνουν εἶναι ἡγῇ τοῖς σαυτοῦ πράγμασιν, οὐδὲ τῷ ἀντειπόντι χαλεπῶς ἔχεις, ἀλλὰ μόνῳ τῷ τῆς διανοίας ἀκραιφνεῖ πάντα σταθμώμενος ἀκίνδυνον ἡμῖν ἀπέδειξας πολλάκις τὸ τοῖς σοῖς ἀντιστῆναι βουλεύμασι. [10] τούτοις ἠγμένος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, κατέστην εἰς ξυμβουλὴν τήνδε, προσκρούσων μὲν τὸ παραυτίκα ἴσως, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἐς δὲ τὸ μέλλον τὴν εὔνοιαν τὴν ἐμὴν καταφανῆ δείξων, ταύτης τέ σε μάρτυρα παρεξόμενος. [11] ἢν γὰρ ἀπειθῶν τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐξοίσεις ἐς Βανδίλους τὸν πόλεμον, μηκυνομένης σοι τῆς ἀγωνίας τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν εὐδοκιμῆσαι ξυμβήσεται. [12] εἰ μὲν γὰρ ὡς κρατήσεις τῶν πολεμίων τὸ θαρρεῖν ἔχεις, οὐδὲν ἀπεικός σε τά τε σώματα προΐεσθαι καὶ χρημάτων δαπανᾶν πλῆθος, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀγώνων ὑφίστασθαι πόνους: νίκη γὰρ ἐπιγενομένη πάντα καλύπτει τὰ τοῦ πολέμου πάθη. [13] εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ γούνασι κεῖται, παραδείγμασι δὲ τῶν προγεγενημένων χρωμένους ἡμᾶς ἀνάγκη δεδιέναι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας, πῶς οὐχὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι κινδύνων τὸ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀγαπᾶν ἄμεινον; [14] ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα διανοῇ στρατεύειν, εἰς ἣν κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἤπειρον ἰόντι ὁδὸς τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἡμερῶν ἐστι, πλέοντι δὲ ἀνάγκη τὸ πέλαγος ὅλον ἀμειψαμένῳ πρὸς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς θαλάσσης ἐλθεῖν. ὥστε τῶν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ξυμβησομένων ἐνιαύσιόν σοι δεήσει τὸν ἄγγελον ἥκειν. [15] προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις ὡς, ἢν μὲν κρατήσῃς τῶν πολεμίων, Λιβύης μεταποιεῖσθαι οὐκ ἂν δύναιο, τῆς τε Σικελίας καὶ Ἰταλίας ὑφ̓ ἑτέροις κειμένης: [16] ἢν δέ τι καὶ πταίσῃς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, λελυμένων ἤδη σοι τῶν σπονδῶν, εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν τὸν κίνδυνον ἄξεις: ξυνελόντι τε εἰπεῖν οὔτε ἀπόνασθαι παρέσται σοι τῆς νίκης καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἐναντίωμα λυμανεῖται τοῖς εὖ καθεστῶσι. [17] πρὸ τῶν πραγμάτων τὸ τῆς εὐβουλίας ὄφελός ἐστι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐπταικόσι τὸ μεταμελεῖσθαι ἀνόνητον, πρὸ δὲ τῶν δεινῶν τὸ μεταμανθάνειν ἀκίνδυνον. οὐκοῦν ξυνοίσει πάντων μάλιστα τὸ τοῖς καιροῖς ἐν δέοντι χρῆσθαι.’ [18] Ἰωάννης μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον προθυμίαν κατέπαυσε. τῶν δέ τις ἱερέων οὓς δὴ ἐπισκόπους καλοῦσιν, ἐκ τῆς ἑῴας ἥκων ἔφη ἐς λόγους τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐλθεῖν βούλεσθαι. [19] καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ ξυνέμιξεν, ἔλεγέν οἱ τὸν θεὸν ἐπισκῆψαι ὄναρ γενέσθαι τε ὡς βασιλέα καὶ αὐτὸν αἰτιάσασθαι ὅτι δὴ Χριστιανοὺς τοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ ῥύεσθαι ἐκ τυράννων ὑποδεξάμενος εἶτα λόγῳ οὐδενὶ κατωρρώδησε: [20] ‘Καίτοι αὐτός,’ ἔφη, ‘οἱ πολεμοῦντι [21] ξυλλήψομαι Λιβύης τε κύριον θήσομαι.’ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε, κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὐκέτι ἐδύνατο, ἀλλὰ τήν τε στρατιὰν καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἤγειρεν, ὅπλα τε καὶ σιτία ἡτοίμαζε καὶ Βελισαρίῳ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἐπήγγελλεν εἶναι ὡς ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατηγήσοντι αὐτίκα μάλα. [22] Τρίπολιν δὲ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ τῶ
ν τις ἐπιχωρίων Πουδέντιος ἀπὸ Βανδίλων ἀπέστησε, πέμψας τε ὡς βασιλέα ἐδεῖτό οἱ στρατιὰν στεῖλαι: [23] πόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν χώραν οὐδενὶ προσποιήσειν. ὁ δέ οἱ ἄρχοντά τε Ταττιμοὺθ καὶ στράτευμα οὐ πολὺ ἔστειλεν. [24] ὃ δὴ ἑταιρισάμενος Πουδέντιος Βανδίλων οὐ παρόντων τήν τε χώραν ἔσχε καὶ βασιλεῖ προσεποίησε. τῷ δὲ Γελίμερι τιμωρεῖν βουλομένῳ Πουδέντιον ἐναντίωμα ξυνέπεσε τόδε. [25] Γώδας τις ἦν ἐν τοῖς Γελίμερος δούλοις, Γότθος τὸ γένος, θυμοειδὴς μὲν καὶ δραστήριος καὶ πρὸς ἰσχὺν ἱκανὼς πεφυκώς, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ δοκῶν ἐς τὰ τοῦ δεσπότου πράγματα ἔχειν. [26] τούτῳ τῷ Γώδᾳ ὁ Γελίμερ Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον ἐπέτρεψε, φυλακῆς τε ἕνεκα καὶ φόρον τὸν ἐπέτειον ἀποφέρειν. [27] ὁ δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης εὐημερίαν οὔτε καταπέψαι οὔτε τῇ ψυχῇ φέρειν οἷός τε ὢν τυραννίδι ἐπεχείρησε, καὶ οὐδὲ τὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἀποφέρειν ἔτι ἠξίου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν νῆσον αὐτὸς Βανδίλων ἀποστήσας εἶχε. [28] καὶ ἐπεὶ ᾔσθετο βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν πολεμησείοντα ἐπί τε Λιβύην καὶ Γελίμερα, ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτὸν τάδε: [29] ‘Οὔτε ἀγνωμοσύνῃ εἴκων οὔτε τι ἄχαρι πρὸς δεσπότου παθὼν τοῦ ἐμοῦ εἰς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, ἀλλὰ τἀνδρὸς ἰδὼν τὴν ὠμότητα ἰσχυρὰν οἵαν εἴς τε τὸ ξυγγενὲς καὶ ὑπήκοον μετέχειν τῆς ἀπανθρωπίας οὐκ ἂν δόξαιμι ἑκών γε εἶναι. [30] ἄμεινον γὰρ βασιλεῖ δικαίῳ ὑπηρετεῖν ἢ τυράννῳ τὰ οὐκ ἔννομα ἐπαγγέλλοντι. [31] ἀλλ̓ ὅπως μὲν συλλήψῃ μοι ταῦτα σπουδάζοντι, ὅπως δὲ στρατιώτας πέμποις ὥστε με ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἱκανῶς ἔχειν.’ [32] Ταύτην βασιλεὺς ἄσμενος λαβὼν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν Εὐλόγιον πρεσβευτὴν ἔπεμψε καὶ γράμματα ἔγραψεν, ἐπαινῶν τὸν Γώδαν τῆς τε ξυνέσεως καὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν δικαιοσύνην προθυμίας, ξυμμαχίαν τε ἐπαγγελλόμενος καὶ στρατιώτας καὶ στρατηγόν, ὃς αὐτῷ ξυμφυλάξαι τε τὴν νῆσον οἷός τε εἴη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ξυλλήψεσθαι, ὥστε αὐτῷ δύσκολον μηδὲν πρὸς Βανδίλων ξυμβῆναι. [33] Εὐλόγιος δὲ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Σαρδὼ εὕρισκε Γώδαν ὄνομά τε καὶ σχῆμα βασιλέως περιβαλλόμενον καὶ δορυφόρους προσποιησάμενον. [34] ὃς ἐπειδὴ τὴν βασιλέως ἐπιστολὴν ἀνελέξατο, στρατιώτας μὲν ἔφη ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐλθεῖν βουλομένῳ εἶναι, ἄρχοντος δὲ οὐ πάνυ χρῄζειν. κατὰ ταῦτά τε πρὸς βασιλέα γράψας τὸν Εὐλόγιον ἀπεπέμψατο.

  X

  And when the Emperor Justinian considered that the situation was as favourable as possible, both as to domestic affairs and as to his relations with Persia, he took under consideration the situation in Libya. But when he disclosed to the magistrates that he was gathering an army against the Vandals and Gelimer, the most of them began immediately to show hostility to the plan, and they lamented it as a misfortune, recalling the expedition of the Emperor Leon and the disaster of Basiliscus, and reciting how many soldiers had perished and how much money the state had lost. But the men who were the most sorrowful of all, and who, by reason of their anxiety, felt the keenest regret, were the pretorian prefect, whom the Romans call “praetor,” and the administrator of the treasury, and all to whom had been assigned the collection of either public or imperial taxes, for they reasoned that while it would be necessary for them to produce countless sums for the needs of the war, they would be granted neither pardon in case of failure nor extension of time in which to raise these sums. And every one of the generals, supposing that he himself would command the army, was in terror and dread at the greatness of the danger, if it should be necessary for him, if he were preserved from the perils of the sea, to encamp in the enemy’s land, and, using his ships as a base, to engage in a struggle against a kingdom both large and formidable. The soldiers, also, having recently returned from a long, hard war, and having not yet tasted to the full the blessings of home, were in despair, both because they were being led into sea-fighting, — a thing which they had not learned even from tradition before then, — and because they were sent from the eastern frontier to the West, in order to risk their lives against Vandals and Moors. But all the rest, as usually happens in a great throng, wished to be spectators of new adventures while others faced the dangers.

  But as for saying anything to the emperor to prevent the expedition, no one dared to do this except John the Cappadocian, the pretorian prefect, a man of the greatest daring and the cleverest of all men of his time. For this John, while all the others were bewailing in silence the fortune which was upon them, came before the emperor and spoke as follows: “O Emperor, the good faith which thou dost shew in dealing with thy subjects enables us to speak frankly regarding anything which will be of advantage to thy government, even though what is said and done may not be agreeable to thee. For thus does thy wisdom temper thy authority with justice, in that thou dost not consider that man only as loyal to thy cause who serves thee under any and all conditions, nor art thou angry with the man who speaks against thee, but by weighing all things by pure reason alone, thou hast often shewn that it involves us in no danger to oppose thy purposes. Led by these considerations, O Emperor, I have come to offer this advice, knowing that, though I shall give perhaps offence at the moment, if it so chance, yet in the future the loyalty which I bear you will be made clear, and that for this I shall be able to shew thee as a witness. For if, through not hearkening to my words, thou shalt carry out the war against the Vandals, it will come about, if the struggle is prolonged for thee, that my advice will win renown. For if thou hast confidence that thou wilt conquer the enemy, it is not at all unreasonable that thou shouldst sacrifice the lives of men and expend a vast amount of treasure, and undergo the difficulties of the struggle; for victory, coming at the end, covers up all the calamities of war. But if in reality these things lie on the knees of God, and if it behoves us, taking example from what has happened in the past, to fear the outcome of war, on what grounds is it not better to love a state of quiet rather than the dangers of mortal strife? Thou art purposing to make an expedition against Carthage, to which, if one goes by land, the journey is one of a hundred and forty days, and if one goes by water, he is forced to cross the whole open sea and go to its very end. So that he who brings thee news of what will happen in the camp must needs reach thee a year after the event. And one might add that if thou art victorious over thy enemy, thou couldst not take possession of Libya while Sicily and Italy lie in the hands of others; and at the same time, if any reverse befall thee, O Emperor, the treaty having already been broken by thee, thou wilt bring the danger upon our own land. In fact, putting all in a word, it will not be possible for thee to reap the fruits of victory, and at the same time any reversal of fortune will bring harm to what is well established. It is before an enterprise that wise planning is useful. For when men have failed, repentance is of no avail, but before disaster comes there is no danger in altering plans. The
refore it will be of advantage above all else to make fitting use of the decisive moment.”

  Thus spoke John; and the Emperor Justinian, hearkening to his words, checked his eager desire for the war. But one of the priests whom they call bishops, who had come from the East, said that he wished to have a word with the emperor. And when he met Justinian, he said that God had visited him in a dream, and bidden him go to the emperor and rebuke him, because, after undertaking the task of protecting the Christians in Libya from tyrants, he had for no good reason become afraid. “And yet,” He had said, “I will Myself join with him in waging war and make him lord of Libya.” When the emperor heard this, he was no longer able to restrain his purpose, and he began to collect the army and the ships, and to make ready supplies of weapons and of food, and he announced to Belisarius that he should be in readiness, because he was very soon to act as general in Libya. Meanwhile Pudentius, one of the natives of Tripolis in Libya, caused this district to revolt from the Vandals, and sending to the emperor he begged that he should despatch an army to him; for, he said, he would with no trouble win the land for the emperor. And Justinian sent him Tattimuth and an army of no very great size. This force Pudentius joined with his own troops and, the Vandals being absent, he gained possession of the land and made it subject to the emperor. And Gelimer, though wishing to inflict punishment upon Pudentius, found the following obstacle in his way.