Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXIV

  But Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, reached Sardinia with the expedition which has been mentioned above and disembarked at the harbour of Caranalis; and at the first onset he captured the city and killed the tyrant Godas and all the fighting men about him. And when he heard that the emperor’s expedition was in the land of Libya, having as yet learned nothing of what had been done there, he wrote to Gelimer as follows: “Know, O King of the Vandals and Alani, that the tyrant Godas has perished, having fallen into our hands, and that the island is again under thy kingdom, and celebrate the festival of triumph. And as for the enemy who have had the daring to march against our land, expect that their attempt will come to the same fate as that experienced by those who in former times marched against our ancestors.” And those who took this letter sailed into the harbour of Carthage with no thought of the enemy in mind. And being brought by the guards before the general, they put the letter into his hands and gave him information on the matters about which he enquired, being thunderstruck at what they beheld and awed at the suddenness of the change; however, they suffered nothing unpleasant at the hand of Belisarius.

  At this same time another event also occurred as follows. A short time before the emperor’s expedition reached Libya, Gelimer had sent envoys into Spain, among whom were Gothaeus and Fuscias, in order to persuade Theudis, the ruler of the Visigoths, to establish an alliance with the Vandals. And these envoys, upon disembarking on the mainland after crossing the strait at Gadira, found Theudis in a place situated far from the sea. And when they had come up to the place where he was, Theudis received them with friendliness and entertained them heartily, and during the feast he pretended to enquire how matters stood with Gelimer and the Vandals. Now since these envoys had travelled to him rather slowly, it happened that he had heard from others everything which had befallen the Vandals. For one merchant ship sailing for trade had put out from Carthage on the very same day as the army marched into the city, and finding a favouring wind, had come to Spain. From those on this ship Theudis learned all that had happened in Libya, but he forbade the merchants to reveal it to anyone, in order that this might not become generally known. And when Gothaeus and his followers replied that everything was as well as possible for them, he asked them for what purpose, then, they had come. And when they proposed the alliance, Theudis bade them go to the sea-coast; “For from there,” he said, “you will learn of the affairs at home with certainty.” And the envoys, supposing that the man was in his cups and his words were not sane, remained silent. But when on the following day they met him and made mention of the alliance, and Theudis used the same words a second time, then at length they understood that some change of fortune had befallen them in Libya, but never once thinking of Carthage they sailed for the city. And upon coming to land close by it and happening upon Roman soldiers, they put themselves in their hands to do with them as they wished. And from there they were led away to the general, and reporting the whole story, they suffered no harm at his hand. These things, then, happened thus. And Cyril, upon coming near to Sardinia and learning what had happened to Godas, sailed to Carthage, and there, finding the Roman army and Belisarius victorious, he remained at rest; and Solomon was sent to the emperor in order to announce what had been accomplished.

  Γελίμερ δὲ ἐπεὶ ἐν πεδίῳ Βούλλης ἐγεγόνει, ὅπερ εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχηδόνος διέχει, οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν τῶν Νουμιδίας ὁρίων, ἐνταῦθα Βανδίλους τε ξύμπαντας ἤγειρε καὶ εἴ τί οἱ φίλιον ἐν Μαυρουσίοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄν. [2] ὀλίγοι μέντοι Μαυρούσιοι αὐτῷ ἀφίκοντο ἐς ξυμμαχίαν, [3] καὶ οὗτοι παντάπασιν ἄναρχοι. ὅσοι γὰρ ἔν τε Μαυριτανίᾳ καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ καὶ Βυζακίῳ Μαυρουσίων ἦρχον, πρέσβεις ὡς Βελισάριον πέμψαντες δοῦλοί τε βασιλέως ἔφασκον εἶναι καὶ ξυμμαχήσειν ὑπέσχοντο. [4] εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ὁμήρων παρείχοντο λόγῳ, τά τε ξύμβολα σφίσι παῤ αὐτοῦ στέλλεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς κατὰ δὴ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον ἐδέοντο. [5] νόμος γὰρ ἦν Μαυρουσίων ἄρχειν μηδένα, κἂν Ῥωμαίοις πολέμιος ᾖ, πρὶν ἂν αὐτῷ τὰ γνωρίσματα τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς δοίη. [6] ἅπερ ἤδη πρὸς Βανδίλων λαβόντες οὐκ ᾤοντο ἐν βεβαίῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχειν. [7] ἔστι δὲ τὰ ξύμβολα ταῦτα ῥάβδος τε ἀργυρᾶ κατακεχρυσωμένη καὶ πῖλος ἀργυροῦς οὐχ ὅλην τὴν κεφαλὴν σκέπων, ἀλλ̓ ὥσπερ στεφάνη τελαμῶσιν ἀργυροῖς πανταχόθεν ἀνεχόμενος, καὶ τριβώνιόν τι λευκὸν ἐς χρυσῆν περόνην κατὰ τὸν δεξιὸν ὦμον ἐν χλαμύδος σχήματι Θετταλῆς ξυνιόν, χιτών τε λευκὸς ποικίλματα ἔχων, καὶ ἀρβύλη ἐπίχρυσος. [8] Βελισάριος δὲ ταῦτά τε αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψε καὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἐδωρήσατο. [9] οὐ μέντοι αὐτῷ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἀφίκοντο, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Βανδίλοις ἐπαμύνειν ἐτόλμησαν, ἀλλ̓ ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις στάντες ἐκαραδόκουν ὅπη ποτὲ ἡ τοῦ πολέμου τύχη ἐκβήσεται. ὧδε μὲν Ῥωμαίοις τὰ πράγματα εἶχε. [10] Γελίμερ δὲ τῶν τινα Βανδίλων ἐς Σαρδὼ ἔπεμψεν, ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς Τζάζωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔχοντα. ὃς ἐς τὴν παραλίαν κατὰ τάχος ἐλθὼν ὁλκάδος τε ἀναγομένης ἐπιτυχών, ἐς Καρανάλεως τὸν λιμένα κατέπλευσε καὶ Τζάζωνι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνεχείρισεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: [11] ‘Οὐκ ἦν, οἶμαι, Γώδας ὁ τὴν νῆσον ἡμῶν ἀποστήσας, ἀλλά τις ἄτη ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐς Βανδίλους ἐπιπεσοῦσα. [12] σέ τε γὰρ ἐξ ἡμῶν καὶ Βανδίλων τοὺς δοκίμους ἀφελομένη ἅπαντα συλλήβδην ἐκ τοῦ Γιζερίχου οἴκου τὰ ἀγαθὰ ἥρπασεν. [13] οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῷ ἀνασώσασθαι τὴν νῆσον ἡμῖν ἐνθένδε ἀπῆρας, ἀλλ̓ ὅπως Λιβύης Ἰουστινιανὸς κύριος ἔσται. τὰ γὰρ τῇ τύχῃ δόξαντα πρότερον πάρεστι τανῦν ἐκ τῶν ἀποβάντων εἰδέναι. [14] Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἐφ̓ ἡμᾶς ἥκει: ἡ δὲ ἀρετὴ ἐκ Βανδίλων ἀπιοῦσα εὐθὺς ᾤχετο, μεθ̓ ἑαυτῆς λαβοῦσα τὴν ἀγαθὴν τύχην. [15] Ἀμμάτας μὲν γὰρ καὶ Γιβαμοῦνδος πεπτώκασι, μαλθακιζομένων Βανδίλων, ἵπποι δὲ καὶ νεώρια καὶ ξύμπας῾̣̣̓ Λιβύη καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα αὐτὴ Καρχηδὼν ἔχοντἁ̣̣̓ ἤδη πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων. [16] οἱ δὲ κάθηνται, τὸ μὴ ἐν τοῖς πόνοις ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι παίδων τε καὶ γυναικῶν ἀνταλλαξάμενοι καὶ πάντων χρημάτων, ἡμῖν τε ἀπολέλειπται μόνον τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον, οὗπερ ἡμᾶς ἡ εἰς ὑμᾶς ἐλπὶς καθίσασα εἴργει. [17] ἀλλὰ σὺ τυραννίδα τε καὶ Σαρδὼ καὶ τὰς περὶ ταῦτα φροντίδας ἐάσας ὅτι τάχιστα παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ εἰς ἡμᾶς ἧκε. οἷς γὰρ
ὑπὲρ τῶν κεφαλαίων ὁ κίνδυνος, τἄλλα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι ἀξύμφορον. [18] κοινῇ δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀγωνιζόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ τύχην τὴν προτέραν ἀνασωσόμεθα, ἢ κερδανοῦμεν τὸ μὴ ἀλλήλων χωρὶς τὰ ἐκ τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐνεγκεῖν δύσκολα.’ [19] Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Τζάζων εἶδέ τε ἀπενεχθέντα καὶ ἐς τοὺς Βανδίλους ἐξήνεγκεν, ἔς τε οἰμωγὰς καὶ ὀλοφύρσεις ἐτράποντο, οὐ μέντοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς, ἀλλ̓ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ἐγκρυφιάζοντές τε καὶ τοὺς νησιώτας λανθάνοντες σιωπῇ ἐφ̓ ἑαυτῶν τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ὠδύροντο. [20] καὶ αὐτίκα μὲν τὰ ἐν ποσίν, ὥς πη ἔτυχε, διαθέμενοι τὰς ναῦς ἐπλήρουν. [21] ἄραντες δὲ ἐνθένδε παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ τριταῖοι κατέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Λιβύης ἀκτὴν ἣ Νουμίδας τε καὶ Μαυριτανοὺς διορίζει. [22] καὶ πεζῇ βαδίζοντες ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον, οὗ δὴ ἀνεμίγνυντο τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ. ἐνταῦθα συχνὰ ἐλέου πολλοῦ ἄξια Βανδίλοις ξυνέβη, ἅπερ ἔγωγε οὐκ ἂν ἔτι φράσαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοιμι. [23] οἶμαι γὰρ εἰ καὶ αὐτῶν πολεμίων ἀνδρὶ θεατῇ γενέσθαι τετύχηκε, τάχα ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς Βανδίλους τε τότε καὶ τύχην τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν ᾠκτίσατο. [24] ὅ τε γὰρ Γελίμερ καὶ ὁ Τζάζων ἐπειδὴ ἀλλήλοιν τῷ τραχήλῳ περιεβαλέσθην, μεθίεσθαι τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, οὐδὲν μέντοι ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐφθέγγοντο, ἀλλὰ τὼ χεῖρε σφίγγοντες ἔκλαιον, καὶ Βανδίλων τῶν ξὺν Γελίμερι ἕκαστος τῶν τινα ἐκ Σαρδοῦς ἥκοντα περιβαλὼν κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐποίει. [25] χρόνον τε συχνὸν ὥσπερ ἀλλήλοις ἐμπεφυκότες, ἡδονῆς τῆς ἐνθένδε ἀπώναντο, καὶ οὔτε οἱ ἀμφὶ Γελίμερα περὶ τοῦ Γώδα ῾ἐπεὶ αὐτοὺς ἡ παροῦσα τύχη ἐκπλήξασα τὰ πρόσθεν σφίσι σπουδαιότατα δόξαντα εἶναι τοῖς ἤδη ἐς ἄγαν ἀπημελημένοις ξυνέτασσεν̓ οὔτε οἱ ἐκ Σαρδοῦς ἥκοντες ἐρωτᾶν τι ἠξίουν ἀμφὶ τοῖς ἔν γε Λιβύῃ ξυνενεχθεῖσιν. ἱκανὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὁ χῶρος τεκμηριῶσαι τὰ ξυμπεσόντα ἐγίνετο. [26] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ γυναικῶν ἢ παίδων ἰδίων λόγον ἐποιοῦντό τινα, ἐξεπιστάμενοι ὡς, ἤν τις αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα οὐκ εἴη, δῆλον ὅτι ἢ ἐτελεύτα ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ταῖς χερσὶ γέγονε. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.

  XXV

  But Gelimer, upon reaching the plain of Boulla, which is distant from Carthage a journey of four days for an unencumbered traveller, not far from the boundaries of Numidia, began to gather there all the Vandals and as many of the Moors as happened to be friendly to him. Few Moors, however, joined his alliance, and these were altogether insubordinate. For all those who ruled over the Moors in Mauretania and Numidia and Byzacium sent envoys to Belisarius saying that they were slaves of the emperor and promised to fight with him. There were some also who even furnished their children as hostages and requested that the symbols of office be sent them from him according to the ancient custom. For it was a law among the Moors that no one should be a ruler over them, even if he was hostile to the Romans, until the emperor of the Romans should give him the tokens of the office. And though they had already received them from the Vandals, they did not consider that the Vandals held the office securely. Now these symbols are a staff of silver covered with gold, and a silver cap, — not covering the whole head, but like a crown and held in place on all sides by bands of silver, — a kind of white cloak gathered by a golden brooch on the right shoulder in the form of a Thessalian cape, and a white tunic with embroidery, and a gilded boot. And Belisarius sent these things to them, and presented each one of them with much money. However, they did not come to fight along with him, nor, on the other hand, did they dare give their support to the Vandals, but standing out of the way of both contestants, they waited to see what would be the outcome of the war. Thus, then, matters stood with the Romans.

  But Gelimer sent one of the Vandals to Sardinia with a letter to his brother Tzazon. And he went quickly to the coast, and finding by chance a merchant-ship putting out to sea, he sailed into the harbour of Caranalis and put the letter into the hands of Tzazon. Now the message of the letter was as follows:

  “It was not, I venture to think, Godas who caused the island to revolt from us, but some curse of madness sent from Heaven which fell upon the Vandals. For by depriving us of you and the notables of the Vandals, it has seized and carried off from the house of Gizeric absolutely all the blessings which we enjoyed. For it was not to recover the island for us that you sailed from here, but in order that Justinian might be master of Libya. For that which Fortune had decided upon previously it is now possible to know from the outcome. Belisarius, then, has come against us with a small army, but valour straightway departed and fled from the Vandals, taking good fortune with her. For Ammatas and Gibamundus have fallen, because the Vandals lost their courage, and the horses and shipyards and all Libya and, not least of all, Carthage itself, are held already by the enemy. And the Vandals are sitting here, having paid with their children and wives and all their possessions for their failure to play the part of brave men in battle, and to us is left only the plain of Boulla, where our hope in you has set us down and still keeps us. But do you have done with such matters as rebel tyrants and Sardinia and the cares concerning these things, and come to us with your whole force as quickly as possible. For when men find the very heart and centre of all in danger, it is not advisable for them to consider minutely other matters. And struggling hereafter in common against the enemy, we shall either recover our previous fortune, or gain the advantage of not bearing apart from each other the hard fate sent by Heaven.”

  When this letter had been brought to Tzazon, and he had disclosed its contents to the Vandals, they turned to wailing and lamentation, not openly, however, but concealing their feelings as much as possible and avoiding the notice of the islanders, silently among themselves they bewailed the fate which was upon them. And straightway setting in order matters in hand just as chance directed, they manned the ships. And sailing from there with the whole fleet, on the third day they came to land at the point of Libya which marks the boundary between the Numidians and Mauretanians. And they reached the plain of Boulla travelling on foot, and there joined with the rest of the army. And in that place there were many most pitiable scenes among the Vandals, which I, at least, could never relate as they deserve. For I think that even if one of the enemy themselves had happened to be a spectator at that time, he would probably have felt pity, in spite of himself, for the Vandals and for human fortune. For Gelimer and Tzazon threw their arms about each other’s necks, and could not let go, but they spoke not a word to each other, but kept wringing their hands and weeping, and each one of the Vandals with Gelimer embraced one of those who had come from Sardinia, and did the same thing. And they stood for a long time as if grown together and found such comfort as they could in this, and neither did the men of Gelimer think fit to ask about Godas (for their present fortune had prostrated them and caused them to reckon such things as had previously seemed to them most important with those which were now utterly negl
igible), nor could those who came from Sardinia bring themselves to ask about what had happened in Libya. For the place was sufficient to permit them to judge of what had come to pass. And indeed they did not make any mention even of their own wives and children, knowing well that whoever of theirs was not there had either died or fallen into the hands of the enemy. Thus, then, did these things happen.

  BOOK IV. THE VANDALIC WAR (Continued)

  ΥΠΕΡ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΛΟΓΟΣ ΤΕΤΑΡΤΟΣ

  Γελίμερ δέ, ἐπεὶ Βανδίλους ἅπαντας ἐς ταὐτὸ εἶδεν ἀγηγερμένους, ἐπῆγεν ἐς Καρχηδόνα τ̣̣̔̓ στράτευμα. [2] γενόμενοί τε αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα τόν τ̣̣̔̓ ὀχετὸν ἀξιοθέατον ὄντα διεῖλον, ὃς ἐς τὴν πόλἱ̣̣̓ ἐσῆγε τὸ ὕδωρ, καὶ χρόνον τινὰ ἐνστρατοπεδευσἅ̣̣̓ μενοι ὑπεχώρησαν, ὡς οὐδεὶς σφίσιν ἐπεξῄει τὧ̣̣̓ πολεμίων. [3] περιιόντες δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία τἅ̣̣̓ τε ὁδοὺς ἐν φυλακῇ ἐποιοῦντο καὶ Καρχηδόν̣̣̔̓ πολιορκεῖν ταύτῃ ᾤοντο, οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἐληίζοντ̣̣̔̓ οὐδὲν οὔτε τὴν γῆν ἐδῄουν, ἀλλ̓ ὡς οἰκείας μετἑ̣̣̓ ποιοῦντο. [4] ἅμα δὲ καὶ προδοσίαν τινὰ ἔσεσθἁ̣̣̓ σφίσιν ἐν ἐλπίδι εἶχον Καρχηδονίων τε αὐτῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ὅσοις ἡ τοῦ Ἀρείὁ̣̣̓ δόξα ἤσκητο. [5] πέμψαντες δὲ καὶ ἐς τῶν Οὔννων τοὺς ἄρχοντας, καὶ πολλὰ ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖς ἀγαθ̣̣̔̓ πρὸς Βανδίλων ὑποσχόμενοι, ἐδέοντο φίλους τ̣̣̔̓ καὶ ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι σφίσιν. [6] οἱ δὲ οὐδ̣̣̔̓ πρότερον εὐνοϊκῶς ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματ̣̣̔̓ ἔχοντες ἅτε οὐδὲ ξύμμαχοι αὐτοῖς ἑκούσιοι ἥκοντἑ̣̣̓ ῾ἔφασκον γὰρ τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν Πέτρον ὀμωμοκότα τε καὶ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκότ̣̣̔̓ οὕτω δὴ σφᾶς ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐς τὸ Βυζάντιον̓, λόγους τε τοὺς Βανδίλων ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ ὡμολόγουν, ἐπειδὰν ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα τρέψεσθαι. [7] ταῦτα δὲ ἅπαντα Βελισάριος ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ἔχων ῾ἠκηκόει γὰρ πρὸς τῶν αὐτομόλων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὁ περίβολος οὔπω ἐτετέλεστο ἅπας᾿ ἐξιτητὰ μὲν σφίσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν τῷ παρόντι οὐκ ᾤετο εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ἔνδον ὡς ἄριστα ἐξηρτύετο. [8] καὶ Καρχηδόνιον μέν τινα, ὄνομα Λαῦρον, ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ τε ἡλωκότα καὶ πρὸς τοῦ οἰκείου γραμματέως ἐληλεγμένον ἀνεσκολόπισεν ἐν λόφῳ τινὶ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἐς δέος τι ἄμαχον οἱ ἄλλοι καταστάντες τῆς ἐς τὴν προδοσίαν πείρας ἀπέσχοντο. [9] τοὺς δὲ Μασσαγέτας δώροις τε καὶ τραπέζῃ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ θωπείᾳ μετιὼν ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ ἐξενεγκεῖν εἰς αὐτὸν ἔπεισεν ὅσα αὐτοῖς ὁ Γελίμερ ὑποσχόμενος εἴη, [10] ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ κακοὶ γένωνται. ἔφασκον δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι οὐδεμίαν σφίσι προθυμίαν ἐς τὸ μάχεσθαι εἶναι: δεδιέναι γὰρ μὴ Βανδίλων ἡσσημένων οὐκ ἀποπέμψονται Ῥωμαῖοι σφᾶς ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἀλλ̓ αὐτοῦ ἀναγκάζοιντο ἐν Λιβύῃ γηράσκοντες θνήσκειν: καὶ μὴν καὶ περὶ τῇ λείᾳ, μὴ ἀφαιρεθῶσιν αὐτήν, ἐν φροντίδι εἶναι. [11] τότε δὴ οὖν αὐτοῖς Βελισάριος πιστὰ ἔδωκεν ὡς, ἢν κατὰ κράτος Βανδίλοι ἡσσηθεῖεν, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν πᾶσι λαφύροις σταλήσονται, οὕτω τε αὐτοὺς ὅρκοις καταλαμβάνει ἦ μὴν πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ ξυνδιενεγκεῖν σφίσι τὸν πόλεμον. [12] Ἐπειδή τε ἅπαντά οἱ ὡς ἄριστα παρεσκεύαστο καὶ ὁ περίβολος ἤδη ἀπείργαστο, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [13] ‘Παραίνεσιν μέν, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐκ οἶδα ὅτι δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, οἵ γε οὕτω τοὺς πολεμίους ἔναγχος νενικήκατε ὥστε Καρχηδών τε ἥδε καὶ Λιβύη ξύμπασα κτῆμα τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἐστι, καὶ δἰ αὐτὸ ξυμβουλῆς οὐδεμιᾶς ὑμῖν ἐς εὐτολμίαν ὁρμώσης δεήσει. τῶν γὰρ νενικηκότων ἥκιστα ἐλασσοῦσθαι φιλοῦσιν αἱ γνῶμαι. [14] ἐκεῖνο δὲ μόνον ὑπομνῆσαι ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἀπὸ καιροῦ οἴομαι εἶναι, ὡς, ἢν ὁμοίως ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀνδραγαθίζοισθε, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα τὸ πέρας ἕξει τοῖς μὲν Βανδίλοις τὰ τῆς ἐλπίδος, ὑμῖν δὲ ἡ μάχη. [15] ὥστε ὑμᾶς ὡς προθυμότατα εἰκὸς ἐς ξυμβολὴν τήνδε καθίστασθαι. ἡδὺς γὰρ ἀεὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀπολήγων τε καὶ εἰς καταστροφὴν βαδίζων ὁ πόνος. τὸν μὲν οὖν τῶν Βανδίλων ὅμιλον ὑμῶν διαλογιζέσθω μηδείς. [16] οὐ γὰρ ἀνθρώπων πλήθει οὐδὲ σωμάτων μέτρῳ, ἀλλὰ ψυχῶν ἀρετῇ φιλεῖ ὁ πόλεμος διακρίνεσθαι. εἰσίτω δὲ ὑμᾶς τὸ πάντων ἰσχυρότατον τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις, ἡ ἐπὶ τοῖς πρασσομένοις αἰδώς. [17] αἰσχύνη γὰρ τοῖς γε νοῦν ἔχουσι τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἡσσᾶσθαι καὶ τῆς οἰκείας ἀρετῆς ἐλάσσους ὀφθῆναι. τοὺς γὰρ πολεμίους εὖ οἶδα ὅτι ὀρρωδία τε καὶ κακῶν μνήμη περιλαβοῦσαι ἀναγκάζουσι κακίους γενέσθαι, ἡ μὲν τοῖς φθάσασι δεδιττομένη, ἡ δὲ ἀνασοβοῦσα τὴν τοῦ κατορθώσειν ἐλπίδα. [18] τύχη γὰρ εὐθὺς μοχθηρὰ ὀφθεῖσα δουλοῖ τῶν αὐτῇ περιπεπτωκότων τὸ φρόνημα. ὡς δὲ νῦν ἡμῖν ἢ πρότερον ὑπὲρ μειζόνων ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν ἐγὼ δηλώσω. [19] ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ τῶν πραγμάτων ἡμῖν οὐκ εὖ προϊόντων ἐν τῷ μὴ τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν λαβεῖν ὁ κίνδυνος ἦν, νῦν δέ, ἢν μὴ τῶν ἀγώνων κρατήσωμεν, τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀποβαλοῦμεν. [20] ὅσῳ τοίνυν τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδὲν τοῦ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐστερῆσθαι κουφότερον, τοσούτῳ νῦν μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ῾̣̣̓ φόβος. [21] καίτοι πρότερον τῶν πεζῶν ἡμῖν ἀπολελειμμένων τὴν νίκην ἀνελέσθαι τετύχηκε, νῦν δὲ ἵλεῴ τε τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν καθιστάμενος κρατήσειν τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῶν πολεμίων αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐλπίδα ἔχ
ω. [22] πρόχειρον οὖν ἔχοντες τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας μή τινι ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἐς ἄλλον αὐτὸ ἀπόθησθε χρόνον, μὴ παραδραμόντα τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιζητεῖν ἀναγκάζησθε. [23] ἀναβαλλομένη γὰρ ἡ τοῦ πολέμου τύχη οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς καθεστῶσι χωρεῖν πέφυκεν, ἄλλως τε ἢν καὶ γνώμῃ τῶν αὐτὸν διαφερόντων μηκύνηται. [24] τοῖς γὰρ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν εὐημερίαν προϊεμένοις τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀεὶ νεμεσᾶν εἴωθεν. εἰ δέ τις ἐννοεῖ τοὺς πολεμίους, παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τιμιώτατα ὑπὸ ταῖς ἡμετέραις ὁρῶντας χερσί, τολμήσειν μὲν παρὰ γνώμην, κινδυνεύσειν δὲ παρὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς δύναμιν, οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἴεται. [25] θυμὸς γὰρ ὑπεράγαν ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν τιμιωτάτων φυόμενος τήν τε οὖσαν ἰσχὺν καθαιρεῖν εἴωθε καὶ τοῖς καθεστῶσιν οὐκ ἐᾷ χρῆσθαι: ἃ δὴ πάντα λογιζομένους ὑμᾶς πολλῷ τῷ καταφρονήματι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰένἁ̣̣̓ προσήκει.’