Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  III

  After both Gelimer and Tzazon had spoken such exhortations, they led out the Vandals, and at about the time of lunch, when the Romans were not expecting them, but were preparing their meal, they were at hand and arrayed themselves for battle along the bank of the stream. Now the stream at that place is an ever-flowing one, to be sure, but its volume is so small that it is not even given a special name by the inhabitants of the place, but it is designated simply as a brook. So the Romans came to the other bank of this river, after preparing themselves as well as they could under the circumstances, and arrayed themselves as follows. The left wing was held by Martinus and Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias, and Marcellus, and as many others as were commanders of the foederati; and the right was held by Pappas, Barbatus, and Aïgan, and the others who commanded the forces of cavalry. And in the centre John took his position, leading the guards and spearmen of Belisarius and carrying the general’s standard. And Belisarius also came there at the opportune moment with his five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantry behind advancing at a walk. For all the Huns had been arrayed in another place, it being customary for them even before this not to mingle with the Roman army if they could avoid so doing, and at that time especially, since they had in mind the purpose which has previously been explained, it was not their wish to be arrayed with the rest of the army. Such, then, was the formation of the Romans. And on the side of the Vandals, either wing was held by the chiliarchs, and each one led the division under him, while in the centre was Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, and behind him were arrayed the Moors. But Gelimer himself was going about everywhere exhorting them and urging them on to daring. And the command had been previously given to all the Vandals to use neither spear nor any other weapon in this engagement except their swords.

  After a considerable time had passed and no one began the battle, John chose out a few of those under him by the advice of Belisarius and crossing the river made an attack on the centre, where Tzazon crowded them back and gave chase. And the Romans in flight came into their own camp, while the Vandals in pursuit came as far as the stream, but did not cross it. And once more John, leading out more of the guardsmen of Belisarius, made a dash against the forces of Tzazon, and again being repulsed from there, withdrew to the Roman camp. And a third time with almost all the guards and spearmen of Belisarius he took the general’s standard and made his attack with much shouting and a great noise. But since the barbarians manfully withstood them and used only their swords, the battle became fierce, and many of the noblest of the Vandals fell, and among them Tzazon himself, the brother of Gelimer. Then at last the whole Roman army was set in motion, and crossing the river they advanced upon the enemy, and the rout, beginning at the centre, became complete; for each of the Roman divisions turned to flight those before them with no trouble. And the Massagetae, seeing this, according to their agreement among themselves joined the Roman army in making the pursuit, but this pursuit was not continued for a great distance. For the Vandals entered their own camp quickly and remained quiet, while the Romans, thinking that they would not be able to fight it out with them inside the stockade, stripped such of the corpses as had gold upon them and retired to their own camp. And there perished in this battle, of the Romans less than fifty, but of the Vandals about eight hundred.

  But Belisarius, when the infantry came up in the late afternoon, moved as quickly as he could with the whole army and went against the camp of the Vandals. And Gelimer, realising that Belisarius with his infantry and the rest of his army was coming against him straightway, without saying a word or giving a command leaped upon his horse and was off in flight on the road leading to Numidia. And his kinsmen and some few of his domestics followed him in utter consternation and guarding with silence what was taking place. And for some time it escaped the notice of the Vandals that Gelimer had run away, but when they all perceived that he had fled, and the enemy were already plainly seen, then indeed the men began to shout and the children cried out and the women wailed. And they neither took with them the money they had nor did they heed the laments of those dearest to them, but every man fled in complete disorder just as he could. And the Romans, coming up, captured the camp, money and all, with not a man in it; and they pursued the fugitives throughout the whole night, killing all the men upon whom they happened, and making slaves of the women and children. And they found in this camp a quantity of wealth such as has never before been found, at least in one place. For the Vandals had plundered the Roman domain for a long time and had transferred great amounts of money to Libya, and since their land was an especially good one, nourishing abundantly with the most useful crops, it came about that the revenue collected from the commodities produced there was not paid out to any other country in the purchase of a food supply, but those who possessed the land always kept for themselves the income from it for the ninety-five years during which the Vandals ruled Libya. And from this it resulted that their wealth, amounting to an extraordinary sum, returned once more on that day into the hands of the Romans. So this battle and the pursuit and the capture of the Vandals’ camp happened three months after the Roman army came to Carthage, at about the middle of the last month, which the Romans call “December.” [533 A.D.]

  Τότε δὲ κατιδὼν Βελισάριος τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρἅ̣̣̓ τευμα πλημμελῶς τε καὶ ξὺν πολλῇ ἀκοσμἵ̣̣̓ φερόμενον ἤσχαλλε, δειμαίνων τὴν νύκτα ὅλην μ̣̣̔̓ οἱ πολέμιοι, ξυμφρονήσαντές τε καὶ ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺ ξυνιστάμενοι, τὰ ἀνήκεστα αὐτοὺς δράσωσιν [2] ὅπερ εἰ γενέσθαι τρόπῳ ὅτῳ δὴ τηνικαῦτ̣̣̔̓ ξυνέπεσεν, οἶμαι ἂν Ῥωμαίων οὐδένα διαφυγόντ̣̣̔̓ ταύτης δὴ τῆς λείας ἀπόνασθαι. [3] οἱ γὰρ στρἁ̣̣̓ τιῶται πένητες ἄνθρωποι κομιδῆ ὄντες καὶ χρἡ̣̣̓ μάτων μὲν ἐς ἄγαν μεγάλων, σωμάτων δὲ ὡραίω τε καὶ ὑπερφυῶς εὐπρεπῶν κύριοι ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου γεγενημένοι κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὐκέτι ἐδύναντο οὐδὲ κόρον τινὰ τῶν σφίσι παρόντων εὑρεῖν, ἀλλ̓ οὕτως ἐμέθυον, καταβεβρεγμένοι τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν εὐτυχήμασιν, ὥστε αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἅπαντα ἄγων ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἀναστρέφειν ἐβούλοντο. [4] καὶ περιήρχοντο οὐ κατὰ συμμορίας, ἀλλὰ κατὰ ἕνα ἢ δύο, ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτοὺς ἡ ἐλπὶς ἄγοι, ἅπαντα κύκλῳ διερευνώμενοι ἔν τε νάπαις καὶ δυσχωρίαις καὶ εἴ που σπήλαιον παρατύχοι ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν ἐς κίνδυνον ἢ ἐνέδραν ἄγον. [5] οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς τῶν πολεμίων φόβος οὐδὲ ἡ Βελισαρίου αἰδὼς ἐσῄει οὐδὲ ἄλλο τῶν πάντων οὐδέν, ὅτι μὴ ἡ τῶν λαφύρων ἐπιθυμία, ταύτης τε ὑπερβιαζομένης ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν τῶν ἄλλων πάντων ἐτράποντο. [6] ἃ δὴ ἅπαντα ἐν νῷ ποιούμενος Βελισάριος ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἶχεν ᾗ τὸ παρὸν θέσθαι. [7] ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ἐπὶ λόφου τινὸς τῆς ὁδοῦ ἀγχοῦ εἱστήκει, τήν τε οὐκέτι οὖσαν εὐκοσμίαν ἀνακαλούμενος καὶ πολλὰ πᾶσι στρατιώταις τε ὁμοῦ καὶ ἄρχουσι λοιδορούμενος. [8] τότε δὴ ὅσοις τετύχηκε πλησίον που εἶναι, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντες, τὰ μὲν ὑπάρχοντα σφίσι χρήματά τε καὶ ἀνδράποδα ξὺν τοῖς ὁμοσκήνοις τε καὶ ὁμοτραπέζοις ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπεμπον, αὐτο�
� δὲ παρὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἰόντες τῶν σφίσι παραγγελλομένων κατήκουον. [9] Ὁ δὲ Ἰωάννην μὲν τὸν Ἀρμένιον ξὺν διακοσίοις ἐκέλευε Γελίμερι ἕπεσθαι, καὶ μήτε νύκτα μήτε ἡμέραν ἀνιέντας διώκειν, ἕως αὐτὸν ζῶντα ἢ νεκρὸν λάβοιεν. [10] ἐς δὲ Καρχηδόνα τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις ἐπέστελλε, Βανδίλοις, ὅσοι ἐς τὰ ἀμφὶ τὴν πόλιν χωρία ἐν ἱεροῖς ἱκέται ἐκάθηντο, πιστὰ διδοῦσι καὶ τὰ ὅπλα, ὅπως μή τι νεωτερίσωσιν, ἀφελομένοις ἔς τε τὴν πόλιν ἐσαγαγοῦσιν ἔχειν, [11] ἄχρι αὐτὸς ἔλθοι. ξὺν δὲ τοῖς λειπομένοις πανταχόσε περιιὼν τούς τε στρατιώτας σπουδῇ ἤγειρε καὶ Βανδίλοις τοῖς ἀεὶ ἐν ποσὶ πίστεις ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας ἐδίδου. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι ἦν Βανδίλων οὐδένα ὅτι μὴ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱκέτην λαβεῖν. [12] ὧν δὴ τὰ ὅπλα ἀφαιρούμενος, ξὺν στρατιώταις φυλάσσουσιν ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔστελλεν, οὐ διδοὺς καιρὸν σφίσιν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ξυνίστασθαι. [13] καὶ ἐπεὶ ἅπαντά οἱ ὡς ἄριστα εἶχεν, ἐπὶ Γελίμερα καὶ αὐτὸς ξὺν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ κατὰ τάχος ᾔει. [14] ὁ δὲ Ἰωάννης ἐς πέντε ἡμέρας τε καὶ νύκτας τὴν δίωξιν ποιησάμενος οὐ πόρρω ἀπὸ Γελίμερος ἤδη ἐγεγόνει, ἀλλά οἱ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἔμελλεν ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἔδει Γελίμερα Ἰωάννῃ ἁλῶναι, τύχης ἐναντίωμα ξυνηνέχθη τοιόνδε. [15] ἐν τοῖς ξὺν Ἰωάννῃ διώκουσιν Οὐλίαριν τὸν Βελισαρίου δορυφόρον τετύχηκεν εἶναι. [16] ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ θυμοειδὴς μὲν καὶ πρὸς ἀλκὴν ψυχῆς τε καὶ σώματος ἱκανῶς πεφυκώς, οὐ λίαν δὲ κατεσπουδασμένος, ἀλλ̓ οἴνῳ τε καὶ γελοίοις ὡς τὰ πολλὰ χαίρων. [17] οὗτος Οὐλίαριν ἡμέρᾳ τῆς διώξεως ἕκτῃ οἰνωμένος ἀμφὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς ὄρνιν τινὰ ἐπὶ δένδρου καθήμενον εἶδε, καὶ τὸ τόξον κατὰ τάχος ἐντείνας κατὰ τοῦ ὄρνιθος ἠφίει τὸ βέλος. [18] καὶ τοῦ μὲν ὄρνιθος ἀποτυγχάνει, Ἰωάννην δὲ ὄπισθεν ἐς τὸν αὐχένα οὔτι ἑκουσίως βάλλει. [19] ὁ δὲ καιρίαν τυπεὶς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἠφανίσθη, πολὺν αὑτοῦ πόθον βασιλεῖ τε Ἰουστινιανῷ καὶ Βελισαρίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἅπασι καὶ Καρχηδονίοις ἀπολιπών. [20] ἀνδρίας τε γὰρ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς εὖ ἥκων, πρᾷόν τε τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι παρεῖχεν αὑτὸν καὶ ἐπιεικέστατον οὐδενὸς ἧσσον. Ἰωάννης μὲν οὖν τὴν πεπρωμένην οὕτως ἀνέπλησεν. [21] Οὐλίαρις δὲ ἐπεὶ ἐν ἑαυτῷ ἐγεγόνει, ἐς κώμην τινὰ πλησίον που οὖσαν καταφυγὼν ἐν τῷ κατὰ ταύτην ἱερῷ ἱκέτης ἐκάθητο. [22] οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται Γελίμερα διώκειν οὐκέτι ὥρμηντο, ἀλλ̓ Ἰωάννην μὲν ἕως περιῆν ἐθεράπευον, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐτελεύτησε, τά τε νομιζόμενα ἐς τὴν αὐτοῦ ὁσίαν ἐποίουν καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον Βελισαρίῳ δηλώσαντες αὐτοῦ ἔμενον. [23] ὅς, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἤκουσεν, ἔς τε τὸν Ἰωάννου τάφον ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκείνου πάθος ἀπέκλαιεν. [24] ἀποκλαύσας δὲ καὶ περιαλγήσας τῇ πάσῃ συμφορᾷ πολλοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ χρημάτων προσόδῳ τὸν Ἰωάννου τάφον ἐτίμησε. [25] δεινὸν μέντοι Οὐλίαριν οὐδὲν ἔδρασεν, ἐπεὶ οἱ στρατιῶται Ἰωάννην σφίσιν ἐπισκῆψαι ὅρκοις ἔφασκον δεινοτάτοις μηδεμίαν ἐς αὐτὸν γενέσθαι τίσιν ἅτε οὐκ ἐκ προνοίας τὸ μίασμα ἐργασάμενον. [26] Ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν Γελίμερ διαφεύγει τὸ μὴ ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ γενέσθαι. Βελισάριος δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν ἐδίωκεν, ἐς πόλιν τε Νουμιδῶν ἐχυράν, ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην, ἀφικόμενος, δέκα ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχηδόνος διέχουσαν, ἣν δὴ Ἱππονερέγιον καλοῦσιν, ἔμαθε Γελίμερα ἐς Παπούαν τὸ ὄρος ἀναβάντα οὐκέτι ἁλώσιμον Ῥωμαίοις εἶναι. [27] τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἐστὶ μὲν ἐν τοῖς Νουμιδίας ἐσχάτοις ἀπότομόν τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ δεινῶς ἄβατον ῾πέτραι γὰρ ὑψηλαὶ ἐς αὐτὸ πανταχόθεν ἀνέχουσἰ, κατῴκηνται δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ Μαυρούσιοι βάρβαροι, οἳ τῷ Γελίμερι φίλοι τε καὶ ἐπίκουροι ἦσαν, καὶ πόλις ἀρχαία Μηδεὸς ὄνομα παρὰ τοῦ ὄρους τὰ ἔσχατα κεῖται. [28] ἐνταῦθα Γελίμερ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἡσύχαζε. Βελισάριος δὲ ῾οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῦ ὄρους ἀποπειρᾶσθαι ἄλλως τε καὶ χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ οἷός τε ἦν, ἔτι τέ οἱ τῶν πραγμάτων ᾐωρημένων Καρχηδόνος ἀπολελεῖφθαι ἀξύμφορον ἐνόμιζεν εἶναἰ στρατιώτας τε ἀπολεξάμενος καὶ ἄρχοντα Φάραν τῇ τοῦ ὄρους προσεδρείᾳ κατέστησεν. [29] ἦν δὲ ὁ Φάρας οὗτος δραστήριός τε καὶ λίαν κατεσπουδασμένος καὶ ἀρετῆς εὖ ἥκων, καίπερ Ἔρουλος ὢν γένος. [30] ἄνδρα δὲ Ἔρουλον μὴ ἐς ἀπιστίαν τε καὶ μέθην ἀνεῖσθαι, ἀλλ̓ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι, χαλεπόν τε καὶ ἐπαίνου πολλοῦ ἄξιον. [31] Φάρας δὲ οὐ μόνος τῆς εὐκοσμίας ἀντείχετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἐρούλων ὅσοι αὐτῷ εἵποντο. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Φάραν ἐς τὸν τοῦ ὄρους πρόποδα Βελισάριος καθῆσθαι τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν ἐκέλευε καὶ φυλακὴν ἀκριβῆ ἔχειν, ὡς μήτε τὸ ὄρος ἀπολιπεῖν Γελίμερι δυνατὰ εἴη μήτε τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐς αὐτὸ ἐσκομίζεσθαι. [32] καὶ Φάρας μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. Βελισάριος δὲ Βανδίλους ὅσοι ἐς Ἱππονερέγιον πρὸς τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱκέται ἐκάθηντο, πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι, ἀνέστησέ τε πιστὰ λαβόντας καὶ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ξὺν φυλακῇ ἔπεμψεν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ αὐτῷ καί τι τοιόνδε ξυμπεσεῖν ἔτυχεν. [33] Ἐν τῇ Γελίμερος οἰκίᾳ γραμματεὺς ἦν τις Βονιφάτιος Λίβυς, ἐκ Βυζακίου ὁρμώμενος, πιστὸς τῷ Γελίμερι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. [34] τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Βονιφάτιον Γελίμερ κατ̓ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμ
ου ἐς ναῦν ἐμβιβάσας ἄριστα πλέουσαν, ἐν ταύτῃ τε ἅπαντα τὸν βασιλικὸν πλοῦτον ἐνθέμενος ἐκέλευεν ἐς τὸν τοῦ Ἱππονερεγίου λιμένα ὁρμίζεσθαι, καὶ ἢν τὰ πράγματα σφίσιν οὐκ εὖ καθιστάμενα ἴδοι, τὰ χρήματα ἔχοντα πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐς Ἱσπανίαν, παρὰ Θεῦδίν τε ἀφικέσθαι τὸν τῶν Οὐισιγότθων ἡγούμενον, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς διασώζεσθαι ἐκαραδόκει, πονηρᾶς γινομένης Βανδίλοις τῆς τοῦ πολέμου τύχης. [35] Βονιφάτιος δέ, ἕως μὲν τὰ Βανδίλων ἐλπίδα εἶχεν, αὐτοῦ ἔμενεν: ἐπεὶ δὲ τάχιστα ἡ ἐν Τρικαμάρῳ μάχη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἅπερ ἐρρήθη ἐγεγόνει, ἄρας τὰ ἱστία ἔπλει καθάπερ οἱ ἐπέστελλε Γελίμερ. [36] ἀλλὰ πνεύματος αὐτὸν ἐναντίωμα εἰς τὸν τοῦ Ἱππονερεγίου λιμένα οὔτι ἑκούσιον αὖθις ἤνεγκεν. ὡς δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀγχοῦ ἤδη που ἠκηκόει εἶναι, τοὺς ναύτας πολλὰ ὑποσχόμενος ἐλιπάρει ἐς ἄλλην τινὰ ἤπειρον ἢ νῆσον βιασαμένους ἰέναι. [37] οἱ δὲ ῾οὐ γὰρ ἐδύναντο χειμῶνος σφίσι χαλεποῦ λίαν ἐπιπεσόντος καὶ τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης ῥόθιον ἅτε ἐν Τυρρηνικῷ πελάγει ἐς ὕψος μέγα ἐγείροντος᾿, τότε δὴ αὐτοί τε καὶ Βονιφάτιος ἐς ἔννοιαν ἦλθον ὡς ἄρα ὁ θεὸς τὰ χρήματα Ῥωμαίοις διδόναι ἐθέλων τὴν ναῦν οὐκ ἐῴη ἀνάγεσθαι. [38] μόλις μέντοι τοῦ λιμένος ἔξω γενόμενοι ξὺν κινδύνῳ μεγάλῳ τὴν ναῦν ἀνεκώχευον. [39] ὡς δὲ ἀφίκετο Βελισάριος εἰς τὸ Ἱππονερέγιον, πέμπει τινὰς παῤ αὐτὸν Βονιφάτιος. οὓς δὴ ἐν ἱερῷ καθῆσθαι ἐκέλευεν, ἐροῦντας μὲν ὡς πρὸς Βονιφατίου σταλεῖεν τοῦ τὰ Γελίμερος χρήματα ἔχοντος, ἀποκρυψομένους δὲ ὅπη ποτὲ εἴη, πρίν γε δὴ τὰ πιστὰ λάβοιεν ὡς τὰ Γελίμερος χρήματα διδοὺς αὐτὸς ἀπαλλάξει κακῶν ἀπαθής, ἔχων ὅσα αὐτοῦ οἰκεῖα εἴη. [40] καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔπρασσον, Βελισάριος δὲ ἥσθη τε τῇ εὐαγγελίᾳ καὶ ὀμεῖσθαι οὐκ ἀπηξίου. [41] στείλας τε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς τόν τε Γελίμερος πλοῦτον ἔλαβε καὶ Βονιφάτιον ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἀφῆκε, πάμπολύ τι χρῆμα τοῦ Γελίμερος συλήσαντα πλούτου.