Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  And it seemed best to their leading men to kill Solomon in the sanctuary on the first day of the feast, which they call the great day. [March 23, 536 A.D.] And they were fortunate enough not to be found out, since no one disclosed this plan. For though there were many who shared in the horrible plot, no word of it was divulged to any hostile person as the orders were passed around, and thus they succeeded completely in escaping detection, for even the spearmen and guards of Solomon for the most part and the majority of his domestics had become associated with this mutiny because of their desire for the lands. And when the appointed day had now come, Solomon was sitting in the sanctuary, utterly ignorant of his own misfortune. And those who had decided to kill the man went in, and, urging one another with nods, they put their hands to their swords, but they did nothing nevertheless, either because they were filled with awe of the rites then being performed in the sanctuary, or because the fame of the general caused them to be ashamed, or perhaps also some divine power prevented them.

  And when the rites on that day had been completely performed and all were betaking themselves homeward, the conspirators began to blame one another with having turned soft-hearted at no fitting time, and they postponed the plot for a second attempt on the following day. And on the next day they acted in the same manner and departed from the sanctuary without doing anything, and entering the market place, they reviled each other openly, and every single man of them called the next one soft-hearted and a demoralizer of the band, not hesitating to censure strongly the respect felt for Solomon. For this reason, indeed, they thought that they could no longer without danger remain in Carthage, inasmuch as they had disclosed their plot to the whole city. The most of them, accordingly, went out of the city quickly and began to plunder the lands and to treat as enemies all the Libyans whom they met; but the rest remained in the city, giving no indication of what their own intentions were but pretending ignorance of the plot which had been formed.

  But Solomon, upon hearing what was being done by the soldiers in the country, became greatly disturbed, and ceased not exhorting those in the city and urging them to loyalty toward the emperor. And they at first seemed to receive his words with favour, but on the fifth day, when they heard that those who had gone out were secure in their power, they gathered in the hippodrome and insulted Solomon and the other commanders without restraint. And Theodorus, the Cappadocian, being sent there by Solomon, attempted to dissuade them and win them by kind words, but they listened to nothing of what was said. Now this Theodorus had a certain hostility against Solomon and was suspected of plotting against him. For this reason the mutineers straightway elected him general over them by acclamation, and with him they went with all speed to the palace carrying weapons and raising a great tumult. There they killed another Theodorus, who was commander of the guards, a man of the greatest excellence in every respect and an especially capable warrior. And when they had tasted this blood, they began immediately to kill everyone they met, whether Libyan or Roman, if he were known to Solomon or had money in his hands; and then they turned to plundering, going up into the houses which had no soldiers to defend them and seizing all the most valuable things, until the coming of night, and drunkenness following their toil, made them cease.

  And Solomon succeeded in escaping unnoticed into the great sanctuary which is in the palace, and Martinus joined him there in the late afternoon. And when all the mutineers were sleeping, they went out from the sanctuary and entered the house of Theodorus, the Cappadocian, who compelled them to dine although they had no desire to do so, and conveyed them to the harbour and put them on the skiff of a certain ship, which happened to have been made ready there by Martinus. And Procopius also, who wrote this history, was with them, and about five men of the house of Solomon. And after accomplishing three hundred stades they reached Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage, and, since they had reached safety, Solomon straightway commanded Martinus to go into Numidia to Valerian and the others who shared his command, and endeavour to bring it about that each one of them, if it were in any way possible, should appeal to some of the soldiers known to him, either with money or by other means, and bring them back to loyalty toward the emperor. And he sent a letter to Theodorus, charging him to take care of Carthage and to handle the other matters as should seem possible to him, and he himself with Procopius went to Belisarius at Syracuse. And after reporting everything to him which had taken place in Libya, he begged him to come with all speed to Carthage and defend the emperor, who was suffering unholy treatment at the hands of his own soldiers, Solomon, then, was thus engaged.

  Οἱ δὲ στασιῶται τὰ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἅπαντα ληισάμενοι ἔς τε τὸ Βούλλης ξυλλεγέντες πεδίον Στότζαν, τῶν Μαρτίνου δορυφόρων ἕνα, τύραννον σφίσιν εἵλοντο, ἄνδρα θυμοειδῆ καὶ δραστήριον, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τοὺς βασιλέως ἄρχοντας ἐξελάσαντες Λιβύης πάσης κρατήσουσιν. [2] ὁ δὲ ἅπαν ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα, ἐς ὀκτακισχιλίους μάλιστα ξυνιόν, ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐπῆγεν, ὡς τὴν πόλιν αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα παραστησόμενος οὐδενὶ πόνῳ. [3] ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ ἐς Βανδίλους τούς τε ἐκ Βυζαντίου σὺν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀποδράντας καὶ ὅσοι οὐχ εἵποντο Βελισαρίῳ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ἢ διαλαθόντες, ἢ ὅτι οἱ Βανδίλους τηνικαῦτα παραπέμποντες ἐν λόγῳ αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ ἐποιήσαντο. [4] ἦσαν δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ χίλιοι, οἳ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν τῷ Στότζᾳ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ξὺν προθυμίᾳ ἦλθον. ἀφίκετο δέ οἱ καὶ δούλων πολύς τις ὅμιλος. [5] καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο Καρχηδόνος ἐγγύς, ἔπεμψεν ὁ Στότζας, κελεύων οἱ ὡς τάχιστα παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν, [6] ἐφ̓ ᾧ κακῶν ἀπαθεῖς μείνωσιν. οἱ δὲ ἐν Καρχηδόνι καὶ Θεόδωρος, πρὸς ταῦτα ἄντικρυς ἀπειπόντες, βασιλεῖ ὡμολόγουν Καρχηδόνα φυλάσσειν. [7] πέμψαντές τε παῤ αὐτὸν Ἰωσήφιον, τῶν τε βασιλέως φυλάκων γραμματέα οὐκ ἀφανῆ γεγονότα καὶ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντα, κατὰ χρείαν δέ τινα πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔναγχος ἐσταλμένον, ἠξίουν μὴ σφᾶς περαιτέρω βιάζεσθαι. [8] Στότζας δέ, ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, Ἰωσήφιόν τε αὐτίκα ἔκτεινε καὶ ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο. κατορρωδήσαντές τε οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει τὸν κίνδυνον, σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Καρχηδόνα Στότζᾳ ἐγχειρίσαι ὁμολογίᾳ διενοοῦντο. τὸ μὲν οὖν Λιβύης στρατόπεδον ἐφέρετο τῇδε. [9] Βελισάριος δέ, ἄνδρας ἀπολέξας τῶν αὑτοῦ δορυφόρων τε καὶ ὑπασπιστῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ Σολόμωνα ἐπαγόμενος, μιᾷ νηὶ ἐς Καρχηδόνα κατέπλευσε περὶ λύχνων ἁφάς, ἡνίκα τὴν πόλιν οἱ πολιορκοῦντες σφίσιν ἐγχειριεῖσθαι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐκαραδόκουν. ἐν ἐλπίδι τε ταῦτα ἔχοντες τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην ηὐλίσαντο. [10] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡμέρα τε ἐγεγόνει καὶ Βελισάριον παρεῖναι ἔμαθον, λύσαντες ὡς τάχιστα τὸ στρατόπεδον αἰσχρῶς τε καὶ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. [11] Βελισάριος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀμφὶ δισχιλίους ἀγείρας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς εὔνοιαν τὴν βασ�
�λέως λόγοις τε ὁρμήσας καὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἐπιρρώσας τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐποιήσατο. [12] καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς Μέμβρησαν πόλιν καταλαμβάνει, πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίοις σταδίοις Καρχηδόνος διέχουσαν. [13] ἔνθα δὴ ἑκάτεροι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς μάχην παρεσκευάζοντο, οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἐς ποταμὸν Βαγράδαν, οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι ἐν χωρίῳ ὑψηλῷ τε καὶ δυσκόλῳ τὸ χαράκωμα ποιησάμενοι. [14] ἐς γὰρ τὴν πόλιν οὐδέτεροι εἰσελθεῖν ἔγνωσαν, ἐπεὶ ἀτείχιστος οὖσα ἐτύγχανε. [15] τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ καθίσταντο ἐς τὴν ξυμβολήν, οἱ μὲν στασιῶται πλήθει τῷ σφετέρῳ πιστεύοντες, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἅτε ἀφρόνων τε καὶ ἀστρατηγήτων ὑπερφρονοῦντες τῶν πολεμίων. [16] ἃ δὴ Βελισάριος ταῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν διανοίαις ἐναποθέσθαι βουλόμενος βεβαίως ἅπαντας ξυγκαλέσας ἔλεξε τάδε: ‘Ἐλπίδος μὲν καὶ εὐχῆς ἧσσον, ἄνδρες συστρατιῶται, βασιλεῖ τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις τὰ πράγματα ἔχει. [17] ἐς ξυμβολὴν γὰρ τανῦν ἥκομεν ἐξ ἧς οὐδὲ τὸ νικᾶν ἄκλαυστον ἕξομεν, ἐπὶ ξυγγενεῖς τε καὶ ξυντρόφους στρατεύοντες. [18] ἔχομεν δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ παραψυχὴν τήνδε, οἷς γε οὐ τῆς μάχης ἄρχοντες αὐτοί, ἀλλ̓ ἀμυνόμενοι ἐς τὸν κίνδυνον καθιστάμεθα. [19] ὁ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς φιλτάτους τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ποιησάμενος καὶ τὸ ξυγγενὲς διαλύσας οἷς ἔδρασεν, οὐ πρὸς τῶν φίλων, ἢν ἀπόληται, θνήσκει, ἀλλ̓ ἐν πολεμίου γεγονὼς μοίρᾳ τοῖς ἠδικημένοις ἐκτίνει τὴν δίκην. [20] πολεμίους δὲ καὶ βαρβάρους καὶ ὅ τι ἄν τις εἴποι δεινότερον εἶναι δείκνυσι τοὺς ἐναντίους οὐ Λιβύη μόνον ὑπὸ ταῖς τούτων χερσὶν ἐς λείαν ἐλθοῦσα, οὐδὲ οἱ ταύτην οἰκοῦντες οὐ δέον παῤ ἐκείνων ἀνῃρημένοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος οὓς οἱ δυσμενεῖς οὗτοι κτείνειν ἐτόλμησαν, μίαν αὐτοῖς αἰτίαν τὴν ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἐπικαλέσαντες εὔνοιαν. [21] οἷς νῦν τιμωροῦντες ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἥκομεν, δυσμενεῖς εἰκότως τοῖς πάλαι φιλτάτοις γενόμενοι. [22] φύσει μὲν γὰρ οὐδένες τῶν πάντων ἀνθρώπων οἰκείως ἂν ἢ ἐναντίως ἀλλήλοις ἔχοιεν, αἱ δὲ πράξεις ἑκάστων ἢ τῷ ὁμοτρόπῳ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ξυνάπτουσαι ἢ τῷ διαλλάσσοντι τῆς γνώμης ἐς τὸ δυσμενὲς διακρίνουσαι φίλους, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ πολεμίους ἀλλήλοις ποιοῦσιν. [23] ὡς μὲν οὖν ἐπ̓ ἀνθρώπους ἀνοσίους τε καὶ πολεμίους στρατεύομεν, ἱκανῶς ἔχετε: ὡς δὲ καταφρονεῖσθαί εἰσι παῤ ἡμῶν ἄξιοι, ἐγὼ δηλώσω. [24] ὅμιλος γὰρ ἀνθρώπων οὐ νόμῳ συνιόντων ἀλλ̓ ἐκ τοῦ ἀδίκου ξυνειλεγμένων ἀνδραγαθί. ζεσθαι ἥκιστα πέφυκεν, οὐδαμῶς τῆς ἀρετῆς τῷ παρανόμῳ ξυνοικίζεσθαι δυναμένης, ἀλλ̓ ἀεὶ τῶν οὐχ ὁσίων ἀφισταμένης. [25] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν εὐκοσμίαν φυλάξουσιν οὐδὲ τῶν ὑπὸ Στότζο παραγγελλομένων ἀκούσουσι. [26] τυραννίδα γὰρ ἄρτι καθισταμένην καὶ οὔπω τὴν τοῦ θαρσεῖν ἐξουσίαν λαβοῦσαν ὑπερορᾶσθαι πρὸς τῶν ἀρχομένων ἀνάγκη. [27] οὔτε γὰρ εὐνοίᾳ τετίμηται, ἐπἑ̣̣̓ μισεῖσθαι ἡ τυραννὶς πέφυκεν, οὔτε φόβῳ ἄγἑ̣̣̓ τοὺς ὑπηκόους: ἀφείλετο γὰρ αὐτῆς τὴν παρρησίαν τὸ δεδιέναι. [28] ἀρετῆς δὲ καὶ εὐκοσμίας ἀπολελειμμένων τῶν πολεμίων ἡσσᾶσθαι πρόχειρον. πολλῷ τοίνυν, ὅπερ εἶπον, τῷ κατα φρονήματι ἐπὶ τούσδε ἡμᾶς τοὺς πολεμίους ἰένα προσήκει. [29] οὐ γὰρ τῷ πλήθει τῶν μαχομένων ἀλλὰ τάξει τε καὶ ἀνδρίᾳ φιλεῖ διαμετρεῖσθαι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος.’ [30] Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. Στότζας δ̣̣̔̓ παρεκελεύσατο ὧδε: ‘Ἄνδρες οἳ ξὺν ἐμοὶ τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους δουλείας ἔξω γεγένησθε, μηδεὶς ὑμῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀπαξιούτω θνήσκειν, ἧς ἀνδρίᾳ τε καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀρετῇ τετυχήκατε. [31] οὐ γὰρ οὕτω δεινὸν τὸ τοῖς κακοῖς ξυγγηράσκοντα τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον ὡς μετὰ τὴν τῶν δυσκόλων ἐλευθερίαν αὖθις ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπανήκειν. [32] ὁ γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ χρόνος τῆς ἀπαλλαγῆς γεύσας χαλεπωτέραν, ὥ γε τὸ εἰκός, τὴν συμφορὰν ἀπεργάζεται. [33] τούτὡ̣̣̓ δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων ἐπάναγκες ὑμᾶς ἀναμνησθῆναι μὲν ὡς Βανδίλους τε καὶ Μαυρουσίους νενικηκότες αὐτοὶ μὲν τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἀπώνασθε πόνων, κύριοι δὲ ἄλλοι τῶν λαφύρων γεγένηνται πάντων. [34] ἐκλογίζεσθε δὲ ὡς στρατιώταις οὖσιν ὑμῖν τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς τοῦ πολέμου κινδύνοις ἀνάγκη, ἢ ὑπὲρ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων, ἤν γε αὖθις ἐκείνῳ δουλεύητε, ἢ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν, ἢν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν διασώζητε ταύτην. [35] ὁπότερον δὲ ἀμφοῖν αἱρετώτερον, τοῦτο ἑλέσθαι ὑμῖν πάρεστιν, ἢ μαλθακιζομένοις ἐν τῷ παρόντι, ἢ ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι βουλομένοις. [36] ἀλλὰ μὴν κἀκεῖνο εἰσιέναι ὑμᾶς προσήκει, ὡς ὅπλα κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀράμενοι, ἢν ὑπ̓ αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθε, οὐ μετρίων οὐδὲ συγγνωμόνων δεσποτῶν πειραθήσεσθε, ἀλλὰ πείσεσθε μὲν τὰ ἀνήκεστα, προσέσται δὲ ὑμῖν τὸ μὴ ἀδίκως ἀπολωλέναι. ὁ μὲν οὖν θάνατος ὅτῳ ἂν ὑμῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ἀφίξηται ταύτῃ, δηλονότι εὐκλεὴς ἔσται: [37] βίος δὲ κρατήσασι μὲν τῶν πολεμίων αὐτόνομός τε καὶ τἄλλα εὐδαίμων, ἡσσημένοις δὲ πικρὸν μὲν ἄλλο οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμι, τὴν ἐλπίδα δὲ ξύμπασαν εἰς τὸν ἐκείνων ἔλεον ἔχων. [38] ἡ δὲ ξυμβολὴ οὐκ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ἔσται. [39] τῷ τε γὰρ πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσῶνται ἡμῶν οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα προθυμούμενοι ἐφ̓ ἡμᾶς ἴασιν, οὓς οἶμαι καὶ τῆσδε ἡμῖν εὔχεσθαι τῆς ἐλευθερίας μεταλαχεῖν.’ τ
οσαῦτα μὲν καὶ ὁ Στότζας εἶπεν. [40] Ἰόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν τῶν στρατοπέδων πνεῦμα σκληρόν τε καὶ δεινῶς λυπηρὸν κατ̓ ὄψιν ἐς τοὺς Στότζα στασιώτας ἐνέπεσε. [41] διὸ δὴ ἀξύμφορον σφίσιν ᾤοντο εἶναι τὴν μάχην αὐτόθι ποιήσασθαι, δεδιότες μὴ τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπερβιαζόμενον τὰ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων βέλη ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰθύνοι, βελῶν δὲ τῶν σφετέρων ἡ ῥύμη ὡς μάλιστα ἀναστέλλοιτο. [42] ἄραντες οὖν ἐγκάρσιοι ᾔεσαν, λογιζόμενοι ὡς ἢν καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, μεταβάλλοιντο, ὅπως δὴ μὴ ὄπισθεν ὑπὸ σφῶν ἐνοχλοῖντο, κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῖς τὸ πνεῦμα ἔσται. [43] Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπεὶ αὐτοὺς εἶδε τὴν τάξιν λιπόντας καὶ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ περιιόντας, αὐτίκα δὴ ἐκέλευε τῶν χειρῶν ἄρχειν. [44] οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Στότζαν ἐς ταραχὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου καταστάντες ξὺν ἀταξίᾳ πολλῇ, ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο, ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο, ἐς Νουμιδίαν τε ἀφικόμενοι συνελέγοντο αὖθις. [45] ὀλίγοι μέντοι αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἀπέθανον, καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι Βανδίλοι ἦσαν. [46] δίωξιν γὰρ Βελισάριος ἥκιστα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο, ἐπεί οἱ, λίαν τοῦ στρατεύματος βραχέος ὄντος, ἱκανὸν κατεφαίνετο, εἰ σφίσιν οἱ πολέμιοι ἐν τῷ παρόντι νενικημένοι ἐκποδὼν στήσονται. [47] τοῖς δὲ στρατιώταις ἐδίδου τὸ χαράκωμα τῶν ἐναντίων διαρπάσασθαι, αἱροῦσί τε αὐτὸ ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν. ἐνταῦθα εὕρηνται πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα, πολλαὶ δὲ γυναῖκες, ὧν δὴ ἕνεκα ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη ὅδε. ταῦτα Βελισάριος διαπεπραγμένος ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἀπήλαυνε. [48] καί οἵ τις ἐκ Σικελίας ἥκων ἀπήγγελλεν ὡς στάσις ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπιπεσοῦσα τὰ πράγματα ἀνασοβεῖν μέλλοι, ἢν μὴ αὐτὸς κατὰ τάχος σφίσιν ἐπανήκων τὴν κωλύμην ποιήσηται. [49] καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ ἐν Λιβύῃ ὅπη ἐδύνατο διαθέμενος καὶ Καρχηδόνα Ἰλδίγερί τε καὶ Θεοδώρῳ παραδοὺς ἐς Σικελίαν ᾔει. [50] Οἱ δὲ ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντες, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ Στότζαν ἥκειν τε καὶ ξυλλέγεσθαι ἐνταῦθα ἤκουσαν, παρεσκευάζοντο ἐς παράταξιν, ἦσαν δὲ ἡγεμόνες φοιδεράτων μὲν Μάρκελλός τε καὶ Κύριλλος, καταλόγου δὲ ἱππικοῦ μὲν Βαρβᾶτος, [51] πεζῶν δὲ Τερέντιός τε καὶ Σάραπις. Μαρκέλλῳ μέντοι ἐπήκουον ἅπαντες ἅτε Νουμιδίας τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντι. [52] ὃς ἐπεὶ ἐν χωρίῳ Γαζοφύλοις, δυοῖν μάλιστα ἡμέραιν ὁδῷ Κωνσταντίνης ἀπέχοντι, Στότζαν ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἤκουσεν εἶναι, προτερῆσαι πρὶν τοὺς στασιώτας ἅπαντας ξυλλεγῆναι βουλόμενος, κατὰ τάχος ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα. [53] ὡς δὲ τά τε στρατόπεδα ἐγγὺς ἐγεγόνει καὶ ἡ μάχη ἔμελλεν ἐν χερσὶν ἔσεσθαι, μόνος ὁ Στότζας ἐς μέσους τοὺς ἐναντίους ἥκων ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [54] ‘Ἄνδρες συστρατιῶται, οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε ἐπὶ ξυγγενεῖς τε καὶ συντρόφους στρατεύοντες, ἐπ̓ ἄνδρας τε ὅπλα αἰρόμενοι οἳ τοῖς κακοῖς τοῖς ὑμετέροις καὶ τοῖς εἰς ὑμᾶς ἀδικήμασιν ἀχθόμενὁ̣̣̓ βασιλεῖ τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις πολεμεῖν ἔγνωσαν. [55] ἢ οὐ μέμνησθε ὡς ἐστέρησθε μὲν τῶν ἄνωθεν ὑμῖν ὀφειλομένων συντάξεων, ἀφῄρησθε δὲ τῶν πολεμίων τὰ λάφυρα, ἃ τῶν ἐν μάχαις κινδύνων ἆθλα ὁ τοῦ πολέμου τέθεικε νόμος; [56] καὶ τοῖς μὲν τῆς νίκης ἀγαθοῖς ἕτεροι τρυφᾶν ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ἠξίουν, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐν οἰκετῶν ἕπεσθε μοίρᾳ; [57] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐμοὶ χαλεπαίνετε, πάρεστιν ὑμῖν ἐς τόδε μὲν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θυμῷ χρῆσθαι, τὸ δὲ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους διαφυγεῖν μίασμα: εἰ δέ μοι αἰτίαν οὐδεμίαν ἐπενεγκεῖν ἔχετε, ὥρα ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν [58] ἀνελέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.’ ὁ μὲν οὖν Στότζας τοσαῦτα εἶπεν: οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται τούς τε λόγους ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ αὐτὸν πολλῇ εὐνοίᾳ ἠσπάζοντο. [59] κατιδόντες δὲ οἱ ἄρχοντες τὰ γινόμενα σιγῇ τε ὑπεχώρουν καὶ ἐς ἱερὸν ὃ ἐν Γαζοφύλοις ἦν καταφεύγουσι. Στότζας δὲ ἀμφότερα τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐς ἓν ξυλλαβὼν ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ᾔει. καταλαβών τε ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δοὺς ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε.