III
There was among the Goths one Theodatus by name, son of Amalafrida, the sister of Theoderic, a man already of mature years, versed in the Latin literature and the teachings of Plato, but without any experience whatever in war and taking no part in active life, and yet extraordinarily devoted to the pursuit of money. This Theodatus had gained possession of most of the lands in Tuscany, and he was eager by violent methods to wrest the remainder from their owners. For to have a neighbour seemed to Theodatus a kind of misfortune. Now Amalasuntha was exerting herself to curb this desire of his, and consequently he was always vexed with her and resentful. He formed the plan, therefore, of handing over Tuscany to the Emperor Justinian, in order that, upon receiving from him a great sum of money and the senatorial dignity, he might pass the rest of his life in Byzantium. After Theodatus had formed this plan, there came from Byzantium to the chief priest of Rome two envoys, Hypatius, the priest of Ephesus, and Demetrius, from Philippi in Macedonia, to confer about a tenet of faith, which is a subject of disagreement and controversy among the Christians. As for the points in dispute, although I know them well, I shall by no means make mention of them; for I consider it a sort of insane folly to investigate the nature of God, enquiring of what sort it is. For man cannot, I think, apprehend even human affairs with accuracy, much less those things which pertain to the nature of God. As for me, therefore, I shall maintain a discreet silence concerning these matters, with the sole object that old and venerable beliefs may not be discredited. For I, for my part, will say nothing whatever about God save that He is altogether good and has all things in His power. But let each one say whatever he thinks he knows about these matters, both priest and layman. As for Theodatus, he met these envoys secretly and directed them to report to the Emperor Justinian what he had planned, explaining what has just been set forth by me.
But at this juncture Atalaric, having plunged into a drunken revel which passed all bounds, was seized with a wasting disease. Wherefore Amalasuntha was in great perplexity; for, on the one hand, she had no confidence in the loyalty of her son, now that he had gone so far in his depravity, and, on the other, she thought that if Atalaric also should be removed from among men, her life would not be safe thereafter, since she had given offence to the most notable of the Goths. For this reason she was desirous of handing over the power of the Goths and Italians to the Emperor Justinian, in order that she herself might be saved. And it happened that Alexander, a man of the senate, together with Demetrius and Hypatius, had come to Ravenna. For when the emperor had heard that Amalasuntha’s boat was anchored in the harbour of Epidamnus, but that she herself was still tarrying, although much time had passed, he had sent Alexander to investigate and report to him the whole situation with regard to Amalasuntha; but it was given out that the emperor had sent Alexander as an envoy to her because he was greatly disturbed by the events at Lilybaeum which have been set forth by me in the preceding narrative, and because ten Huns from the army in Libya had taken flight and reached Campania, and Uliaris, who was guarding Naples, had received them not at all against the will of Amalasuntha, and also because the Goths, in making war on the Gepaedes about Sirmium, had treated the city of Gratiana, situated at the extremity of Illyricum, as a hostile town. So by way of protesting to Amalasuntha with regard to these things, he wrote a letter and sent Alexander.
And when Alexander arrived in Rome, he left there the priests busied with the matters for which they had come, and he himself, journeying on to Ravenna and coming before Amalasuntha, reported the emperor’s message secretly, and openly delivered the letter to her. And the purport of the writing was as follows: “The fortress of Lilybaeum, which is ours, you have taken by force and are now holding, and barbarians, slaves of mine who have run away, you have received and have not even yet decided to restore them to me, and besides all this you have treated outrageously my city of Gratiana, though it belongs to you in no way whatever. Wherefore it is time for you to consider what the end of these things will some day be.” And when this letter had been delivered to her and she had read it, she replied in the following words: “One may reasonably expect an emperor who is great and lays claim to virtue to assist an orphan child who does not in the least comprehend what is being done, rather than for no cause at all to quarrel with him. For unless a struggle be waged on even terms, even the victory it gains brings no honour. But thou dost threaten Atalaric on account of Lilybaeum, and ten runaways, and a mistake, made by soldiers in going against their enemies, which through some misapprehension chanced to affect a friendly city. Nay! do not thus; do not thou thus, O Emperor, but call to mind that when them wast making war upon the Vandals, we not only refrained from hindering thee, but quite zealously even gave thee free passage against the enemy and provided a market in which to buy the indispensable supplies, furnishing especially the multitude of horses to which thy final mastery over the enemy was chiefly due. And yet it is not merely the man who offers an alliance of arms to his neighbours that would in justice be called their ally and friend, but also the man who actually is found assisting another in war in regard to his every need. And consider that at that time thy fleet had no other place at which to put in from the sea except Sicily, and that without the supplies bought there it could not go on to Libya. Therefore thou art indebted to us for the chief cause of thy victory; for the one who provides a solution for a difficult situation is justly entitled also to the credit for the results which flow from his help. And what could be sweeter for a man, O Emperor, than gaining the mastery over his enemies? And yet in our case the outcome is that we suffer no slight disadvantage, in that we do not, in accordance with the custom of war, enjoy our share of the spoils. And now thou art also claiming the right to despoil us of Lilybaeum in Sicily, which has belonged to the Goths from ancient times, a lone rock, O Emperor, worth not so much as a piece of silver, which, had it happened to belong to thy kingdom from ancient times, thou mightest in equity at least have granted to Atalaric as a reward for his services, since he lent thee assistance in the times of thy most pressing necessity.” Such was the message which Amalasuntha wrote openly to the emperor; but secretly she agreed to put the whole of Italy into his hands. And the envoys, returning to Byzantium, reported everything to the Emperor Justinian, Alexander telling him the course which had been decided upon by Amalasuntha, and Demetrius and Hypatius all that they had heard Theodatus say, adding that Theodatus enjoyed great power in Tuscany, where he had become owner of the most of the land and consequently would be able with no trouble at all to carry his agreement into effect. And the emperor, overjoyed at this situation, immediately sent to Italy Peter, an Illyrian by birth, but a citizen of Thessalonica, a man who was one of the trained speakers in Byzantium, a discreet and gentle person withal and fitted by nature to persuade men.
Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐγίνετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ Θευδάτον Τοῦσκοι πολλοὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ διέβαλον βιάσασθαι ἅπαντας τοὺς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώπους καὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἀφελέσθαι οὐδενὶ λόγῳ, τούς τε ἄλλους ἅπαντας καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστά γε τὴν βασίλειον οἰκίαν αὐτήν, ἣν δὴ πατριμώνιον Ῥωμαῖοι καλεῖν νενομίκασι. [2] διὸ δὴ ἐς τὰς εὐθύνας καλέσασα Θευδάτον ἡ γυνὴ διαρρήδην τε πρὸς τῶν διαβαλόντων ἐληλεγμένον ἀποτιννύναι πάντα ἠνάγκασεν ἅπερ οὐ δέον ἀφείλετο, οὕτω τε αὐτὸν ἀπεπέμψατο. [3] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἐς ἄγαν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ προσκεκρουκυῖα διάφορος τὸ λοιπὸν ἐγεγόνει ἀνιωμένῳ ὑπὸ φιλοχρηματίας ὡς μάλιστα, ὅτι διαμαρτάνειν τε καὶ βιάζεσθαι ἀδύνατος ἦν. [4] Ὑπὸ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ἀταλάριχος μὲν τῇ νόσῳ καταμαρανθεὶς ἐτελ
εύτησεν, ὀκτὼ τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐπιβιοὺς ἔτη. Ἀμαλασοῦνθα δὲ ῾χρῆν γάρ οἱ γενέσθαι κακῶς᾿ ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ φύσιν τὴν Θευδάτου ποιησαμένη καὶ ὅσα αὐτὸν ἔναγχος δράσειεν, οὐδὲν πείσεσθαι ἄχαρι πρὸς αὐτοῦ ὑπετόπησεν, ἤν τι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀγαθὸν ἐργάσηται μεῖζον. [5] μεταπεμψαμένη τοίνυν αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ ἧκε, τιθασσεύουσα ἔφασκε χρόνου ἐξεπίστασθαι ὥς οἱ ὁ παῖς ἐπίδοξος εἴη ὅτι δὴ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον τελευτήσειε: τῶν τε γὰρ ἰατρῶν πάντων ταὐτὰ γινωσκόντων ἀκηκοέναι καὶ αὐτὴ τοῦ Ἀταλαρίχου σώματος ἀεὶ μαραινομένου ᾐσθῆσθαι. [6] ἐπεί τε ἀμφὶ αὐτῷ Θευδάτῳ ἑώρα Γότθους τε καὶ Ἰταλιώτας δόξαν οὐκ ἀγαθήν τινα ἔχοντας, ἐς ὃν περιεστήκει τὸ Θευδερίχου γένος, τούτου δὴ αὐτὸν διακαθᾶραι τοῦ αἰσχροῦ ὀνόματος ἐν σπουδῇ οἱ γενέσθαι, ὅπως μή τι αὐτῷ καλουμένῳ ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐμπόδιον εἴη. [7] ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸ δίκαιον αὐτὴν ξυνταράξαι, εἴ γε περισταίη τοῖς ἠδικῆσθαι πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἤδη αἰτιωμένοις οὐκ ἔχειν μὲν ὅτῳ τὰ ξυμπεσόντα σφίσιν ἀγγείλωσι, δεσπότην δὲ τὸν δυσμενῆ ἔχειν. [8] διὰ ταῦτα μὲν αὐτόν, οὕτω καθαρὸν γεγενημένον, ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν παρακαλεῖν: δεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν ὅρκοις δεινοτάτοις καταληφθῆναι ὡς ἐς Θευδάτον μὲν τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὄνομα ἄγοιτο, αὐτὴ δὲ τῷ ἔργῳ τὸ κράτος οὐκ ἔλασσον ἢ πρότερον ἔχοι. [9] ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Θευδάτος ἤκουσεν, ἅπαντα ὅσα ἦν βουλομένῃ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ὀμωμοκώς, ἐπὶ λόγῳ τῷ πονηρῷ ὡμολόγησεν, ἐν μνήμῃ ἔχων ὅσα δὴ ἐκείνη πρότερον ἐς αὐτὸν εἰργασμένη ἐτύγχανεν. [10] οὕτω μὲν Ἀμαλασοῦνθα πρός τε γνώμης τῆς οἰκείας καὶ τῶν Θευδάτῳ ὀμωμοσμένων ἀπατηθεῖσα, ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν κατεστήσατο. [11] πρέσβεις τε πέμψασα ἐς Βυζάντιον ἄνδρας Γότθους Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ταῦτα ἐδήλου. [12] Θευδάτος δὲ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβών, πάντα οἱ τἀναντία ὧν ἐκείνη τε ἤλπισε καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπέσχετο ἔπρασσε. [13] καὶ Γότθων τῶν πρὸς αὐτῆς ἀνῃρημένων τοὺς ξυγγενεῖς ἐπαγαγόμενος, πολλούς τε καὶ λίαν λογίμους ἐν Γότθοις ὄντας, τῶν τε Ἀμαλασούνθῃ προσηκόντων ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου τινὰς ἔκτεινε καὶ αὐτὴν ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχεν, οὔπω τῶν πρέσβεων ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικομένων. [14] ἔστι δέ τις λίμνη ἐν Τούσκοις, Βουλσίνη καλουμένη, ἧς δὴ ἐντὸς νῆσος ἀνέχει, βραχεῖα μὲν κομιδῆ οὖσα, φρούριον δὲ ἐχυρὸν ἔχουσα. [15] ἐνταῦθα Θευδάτος τὴν Ἀμαλασοῦνθαν καθείρξας ἐτήρει. δείσας δέ, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μὴ βασιλεῖ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ προσκεκρουκὼς εἴη, ἄνδρας ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς Λιβέριόν τε καὶ Ὀπιλίωνα στείλας σὺν ἑτέροις τισί, παραιτεῖσθαι πάσῃ δυνάμει βασιλέα ἐπήγγελλεν, ἰσχυριζομένους μηδὲν πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἄχαρι τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυμβῆναι, καίπερ ἐς αὐτὸν ἀνήκεστα δεινὰ εἰργασμένῃ τὰ πρότερα. [16] καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα αὐτός τε βασιλεῖ ἔγραψε καὶ τὴν Ἀμαλασοῦνθαν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν ἠνάγκασε γράψαι. [17] Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐφέρετο τῇδε. Πέτρος δὲ ἤδη ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ ἐστέλλετο προειρημένον αὐτῷ πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐντυχεῖν μὲν κρύφα τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων Θευδάτῳ καὶ ὅρκῳ τὰ πιστὰ παρεχομένῳ ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τῶν πρασσομένων ἔκπυστον γένοιτο, οὕτω τε τὰ ἀμφὶ Τουσκίαν ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ πρὸς αὐτὸν θέσθαι, [18] καὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυγγενόμενον λάθρα ξυμπάσης πέρι Ἰταλίας διοικήσασθαι, ὅπη ἑκατέρῳ ξυνοίσειν μέλλει. [19] ἐς δὲ τὸ ἐμφανὲς ὑπέρ τε τοῦ Λιλυβαίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν ἔναγχος ἐμνήσθην πρεσβεύσων ᾔει. οὔπω γάρ τι περὶ τῆς Ἀταλαρίχου τελευτῆς ἢ τῆς Θευδάτου ἀρχῆς ἢ τῶν Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυμπεπτωκότων βασιλεὺς ἠκηκόει. [20] Πέτρος δὲ ὁδῷ πορευόμενος πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς Ἀμαλασούνθης πρέσβεσι ξυγγενόμενος τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ Θευδάτου ἀρχῇ ἔμαθε: [21] γενόμενος δὲ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον ἐν πόλει Αὐλῶνι, ἣ πρὸς κόλπῳ τῷ Ἰονίῳ κεῖται, ἐνταῦθά τε τοῖς ἀμφὶ Λιβέριόν τε καὶ Ὀπιλίωνα ἐντυχὼν τὰ ξυμπεσόντα ξύμπαντα ἔγνω, ἔς τε βασιλέα ταῦτα ἀνενεγκὼν αὐτοῦ ἔμεινεν. [22] Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἤκουσε, Γότθους τε καὶ Θευδάτον ξυνταράξαι διανοούμενος, πρὸς μὲν Ἀμαλασοῦνθαν γράμματα ἔγραφε, δηλοῦντα ὅτι αὐτῆς ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα μεταποιεῖσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοι: τῷ δὲ Πέτρῳ ἐπέστελλε ταῦτα μηδαμῆ ἀποκρύψασθαι, ἀλλ̓ αὐτῷ τε Θευδάτῳ φανερὰ καὶ Γότθοις ἅπασι καταστήσασθαι. [23] πρέσβεων δὲ τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι, ἐπειδὴ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐκομίσθησαν, τὸν πάντα λόγον βασιλεῖ ἤγγειλαν, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα Λιβέριος: [24] ἦν γὰρ ὁ ἀνὴρ καλός τε καὶ ἀγαθὸς διαφερόντως, λόγου τε τοῦ ἀληθοῦς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενος: [25] Ὀπιλίων δὲ μόνος ἐνδελεχέστατα ἰσχυρίζετο μηδὲν ἐς Ἀμαλασοῦνθαν ἁμαρτεῖν Θευδάτον. Πέτρου δὲ ἀφικομένου ἐς Ἰταλίαν Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυνέβη ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι. [26] Γότθων γὰρ συγγενεῖς τῶν ὑπ̓ ἐκείνης ἀνῃρημένων Θευδάτῳ προσελθόντες οὔτε αὐτῷ οὔτε σφίσι τὸν βίον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἰσχυρίζοντο εἶναι, ἤν γε μὴ αὐτοῖς Ἀμαλασοῦνθα ὅτι τάχιστα ἐκποδὼν γένηται. [27] ξυγχωροῦντός τε αὐτοῖς, ἐν τῇ νήσῳ γενόμενοι τὴν Ἀμαλασοῦνθαν εὐθὺς ἔκτειναν. [28] ὅπερ Ἰταλιώτας τε ὑπερφυῶς ἅπαντας καὶ Γότθους τοὺς ἄλλους ἠνίασεν. [29] ἀρετῆς γὰρ πάσης ἡ γυνὴ ἰσχυρότατα ἐπεμελεῖτο, [30] ὅπερ μοι ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται. Πέτρος μὲν οὖν Θευδάτῳ ἄντικρυς ἐμαρτύρετο �
�αὶ Γότθοις τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅτι δὴ αὐτοῖς τοῦ δεινοῦ τούτου ἐξειργασμένου ἄσπονδος βασιλεῖ τε καὶ σφίσιν ὁ πόλεμος ἔσται. [31] Θευδάτος δὲ ὑπὸ ἀβελτερίας τοὺς Ἀμαλασούνθης φονεῖς ἐν τιμῇ τε καὶ σπουδῇ ἔχων, Πέτρον τε καὶ βασιλέα πείθειν ἤθελεν ὡς αὐτοῦ οὐδαμῆ ἐπαινοῦντος, ἀλλ̓ ὡς μάλιστα ἀκουσίου, Γότθοις ἐργασθείη τὸ μίασμα τοῦτο.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 414