IV
But while these things were going on as I have explained, Theodatus was denounced before Amalasuntha by many Tuscans, who stated that he had done violence to all the people of Tuscany and had without cause seized their estates, taking not only all private estates but especially those belonging to the royal household, which the Romans are accustomed to call “patrimonium.” For this reason the woman called Theodatus to an investigation, and when, being confronted by his denouncers, he had been proved guilty without any question, she compelled him to pay back everything which he had wrongfully seized and then dismissed him. And since in this way she had given the greatest offence to the man, from that time she was on hostile terms with him, exceedingly vexed as he was by reason of his fondness for money, because he was unable to continue his unlawful and violent practices.
At about this same time[I] Atalaric, being quite wasted away by the disease, came to his end, having lived eight years in office. As for Amalasuntha, since it was fated that she should fare ill, she took no account of the nature of Theodatus and of what she had recently done to him, and supposed that she would suffer no unpleasant treatment at his hands if she should do the man some rather unusual favour. She accordingly summoned him, and when he came, set out to cajole him, saying that for some time she had known well that it was to be expected that her son would soon die; for she had heard the opinion of all the physicians, who agreed in their judgment, and had herself perceived that the body of Atalaric continued to waste away. And since she saw that both Goths and Italians had an unfavourable opinion regarding Theodatus, who had now come to represent the race of Theoderic, she had conceived the desire to clear him of this evil name, in order that it might not stand in his way if he were called to the throne. But at the same time, she explained, the question of justice disturbed her, at the thought that those who claimed to have been wronged by him already should find that they had no one to whom they might report what had befallen them, but that they now had their enemy as their master. For these reasons, then, although she invited him to the throne after his name should have been cleared in this way, yet it was necessary, she said, that he should be bound by the most solemn oaths that while the title of the office should be conferred upon Theodatus, she herself should in fact hold the power no less than before. When Theodatus heard this, although he swore to all the conditions which Amalasuntha wished, he entered into the agreement with treacherous intent, remembering all that she had previously done to him. Thus Amalasuntha, being deceived by her own judgment and the oaths of Theodatus, established him in the office. And sending some Goths as envoys to Byzantium, she made this known to the Emperor Justinian.
DATE:
[I]Oct. 10, 534 A.D.
But Theodatus, upon receiving the supreme power, began to act in all things contrary to the hopes she had entertained and to the promises he had made. And after winning the adherence of the relatives of the Goths who had been slain by her — and they were both numerous and men of very high standing among the Goths — he suddenly put to death some of the connections of Amalasuntha and imprisoned her, the envoys not having as yet reached Byzantium. Now there is a certain lake in Tuscany called Vulsina, within which rises an island, exceedingly small but having a strong fortress upon it. There Theodatus confined Amalasuntha and kept her under guard.[J] But fearing that by this act he had given offence to the emperor, as actually proved to be the case, he sent some men of the Roman senate, Liberius and Opilio and certain others, directing them to excuse his conduct to the emperor with all their power by assuring him that Amalasuntha had met with no harsh treatment at his hands, although she had perpetrated irreparable outrages upon him before. And he himself wrote in this sense to the emperor, and also compelled Amalasuntha, much against her will, to write the same thing.
DATE:
[J]Apr. 30, 535 A.D.
Such was the course of these events. But Peter had already been despatched by the emperor on an embassy to Italy with instructions to meet Theodatus without the knowledge of any others, and after Theodatus had given pledges by an oath that none of their dealings should be divulged, he was then to make a secure settlement with him regarding Tuscany; and meeting Amalasuntha stealthily he was to make such an arrangement with her regarding the whole of Italy as would be to the profit of either party. But openly his mission was to negotiate with regard to Lilybaeum and the other matters which I have lately mentioned. For as yet the emperor had heard nothing about the death of Atalaric or the succession of Theodatus to the throne, or the fate which had befallen Amalasuntha. And Peter was already on his way when he met the envoys of Amalasuntha and learned, in the first place, that Theodatus had come to the throne; and a little later, upon reaching the city of Aulon, which lies on the Ionian Gulf, he met there the company of Liberius and Opilio, and learned everything which had taken place, and reporting this to the emperor he remained there.
And when the Emperor Justinian heard these things, he formed the purpose of throwing the Goths and Theodatus into confusion; accordingly he wrote a letter to Amalasuntha, stating that he was eager to give her every possible support, and at the same time he directed Peter by no means to conceal this message, but to make it known to Theodatus himself and to all the Goths. And when the envoys from Italy arrived in Byzantium, they all, with a single exception, reported the whole matter to the emperor, and especially Liberius; for he was a man unusually upright and honourable, and one who knew well how to shew regard for the truth; but Opilio alone declared with the greatest persistence that Theodatus had committed no offence against Amalasuntha. Now when Peter arrived in Italy, it so happened that Amalasuntha had been removed from among men. For the relatives of the Goths who had been slain by her came before Theodatus declaring that neither his life nor theirs was secure unless Amalasuntha should be put out of their way as quickly as possible. And as soon as he gave in to them, they went to the island and killed Amalasuntha, — an act which grieved exceedingly all the Italians and the Goths as well. For the woman had the strictest regard for every kind of virtue, as has been stated by me a little earlier. Now Peter protested openly to Theodatus and the other Goths that because this base deed had been committed by them, there would be war without truce between the emperor and themselves. But Theodatus, such was his stupid folly, while still holding the slayers of Amalasuntha in honour and favour kept trying to persuade Peter and the emperor that this unholy deed had been committed by the Goths by no means with his approval, but decidedly against his will.
Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Βελισάριον ηὐδοκιμηκέναι κατὰ Γελίμερός τε καὶ Βανδίλων τετύχηκε. βασιλεὺς δὲ τὰ ἀμφὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυνενεχθέντα μαθὼν εὐθὺς καθίστατο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ἔνατον ἔτος τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχων. [2] καὶ Μοῦνδον μὲν τὸν Ἰλλυριῶν στρατηγὸν ἔς τε Δαλματίαν ἰέναι, τὴν Γότθων κατήκοον, καὶ Σαλώνων ἀποπειράσασθαι ἐκέλευεν ῾ἦν δὲ ὁ Μοῦνδος γένος μὲν βάρβαρος, διαφερόντως δὲ τοῖς τε βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνους καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμιἀ, Βελισάριον δὲ ναυσὶν ἔστελλε, στρατιώτας ἐκ μὲν καταλόγων καὶ φοιδεράτων τετρακισχιλίους, ἐκ δὲ Ἰσαύρων τρισχιλίους μάλιστα ἔχοντα. [3] ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν λόγιμοι μὲν Κωνσταντῖνός τε καὶ Βέσσας, ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων, Περάνιος δὲ ἐξ Ἰβηρίας τῆς ἄγχιστα Μήδων, γενόμενος μὲν τῶν ἐκ βασιλέως Ἰβήρων, αὐτόμολος δὲ πρότερον ἐς Ῥωμαίους κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Περσῶν ἥκων, καταλόγων δὲ ἱππικῶν μὲν Βαλεντῖνός τε καὶ Μάγνος καὶ Ἰννοκέντιος, πεζῶν δὲ Ἡ�
�ωδιανός τε καὶ Παῦλος καὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Οὐρσικῖνος, ἀρχηγὸς δὲ Ἰσαύρων Ἔννης. [4] εἵποντο δὲ καὶ Οὖννοι ξύμμαχοι διακόσιοι καὶ Μαυρούσιοι τριακόσιοι. στρατηγὸς δὲ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐφ̓ ἅπασι Βελισάριος ἦν, δορυφόρους τε καὶ ὑπασπιστὰς πολλούς τε καὶ δοκίμους ἔχων. [5] εἵπετο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Φώτιος, ὁ τῆς γυναικὸς Ἀντωνίνης υἱὸς ἐκ γάμων προτέρων, νέος μὲν ὢν ἔτι καὶ πρῶτον ὑπηνήτης, ξυνετώτατος δὲ καὶ φύσεως ἰσχὺν ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡλικίαν δηλώσας. [6] βασιλεύς τε Βελισαρίῳ ἐπέστελλεν ἐς Καρχηδόνα μὲν τῷ λόγῳ στέλλεσθαι, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἐς Σικελίαν ἀφίκωνται, ὡς δὴ κατὰ χρείαν τινὰ ἐνταῦθα ἀποβάντας πειρᾶσθαι τῆς νήσου. [7] καὶ ἢν μὲν δυνατὰ ᾖ ὑποχειρίαν αὐτὴν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ποιήσασθαι, κατέχειν τε καὶ αὐτῆς μηκέτι μεθίεσθαι: ἢν δέ τι ἐμπόδιον ὑπαντιάσῃ, πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Λιβύης, οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν τῆς βουλήσεως παρεχομένους. [8] Πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ Φράγγων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἔγραψε τάδε: ‘ Γότθοι Ἰταλίαν τὴν ἡμετέραν βίᾳ ἑλόντες οὐχ ὅσον αὐτὴν ἀποδιδόναι οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσηδικήκασιν ἡμᾶς οὔτε φορητὰ οὔτε μέτρια. [9] διόπερ ἡμεῖς μὲν στρατεύειν ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἠναγκάσμεθα, ὑμᾶς δὲ εἰκὸς ξυνδιαφέρειν ἡμῖν πόλεμον τόνδε, ὃν ἡμῖν κοινὸν εἶναι ποιεῖ δόξα τε ὀρθή, ἀποσειομένη τὴν Ἀρειανῶν γνώμην, καὶ τὸ ἐς Γότθους ἀμφοτέρων ἔχθος.’ [10] τοσαῦτα μὲν βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε: καὶ χρήμασιν αὐτοὺς δωρησάμενος, πλείονα δώσειν, ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ὡμολόγησεν. οἱ δὲ αὐτῷ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ξυμμαχήσειν ὑπέσχοντο. [11] Μοῦνδος μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ ξὺν αὐτῷ στρατιὰ ἐς Δαλματίαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ Γότθοις τοῖς ἐκείνῃ ὑπαντιάσασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε τῇ ξυμβολῇ, Σάλωνας ἔσχον. [12] Βελισάριος δὲ καταπλεύσας ἐς Σικελίαν Κατάνην ἔλαβεν. ἔνθεν τε ὁρμώμενος Συρακούσας τε ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἄλλας παρεστήσατο οὐδενὶ πόνῳ: πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Γότθοι οἳ ἐν Πανόρμῳ φυλακὴν εἶχον, θαρσοῦντες τῷ περιβόλῳ ῾ἦν γὰρ ἐχυρὸν τὸ χωρίον̓ προσχωρεῖν τε Βελισαρίῳ ἥκιστα ἤθελον καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἀπάγειν τὸν στρατὸν κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευον. [13] Βελισάριος δὲ λογισάμενος ἀμήχανον εἶναι διὰ τῆς ἠπείρου τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν ἐσπλεῖν τὸν στόλον ἐς τὸν λιμένα ἐκέλευεν ἄχρι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος διήκοντα. [14] ἦν γὰρ τοῦ τε περιβόλου ἐκτὸς καὶ παντάπασιν ἀνδρῶν ἔρημος. οὗ δὴ τῶν νηῶν ὁρμισαμένων τοὺς ἱστοὺς ξυνέβαινε τῶν ἐπάλξεων καθυπερτέρους εἶναι. [15] αὐτίκα οὖν τοὺς λέμβους τῶν νηῶν ἅπαντας τοξοτῶν ἐμπλησάμενος ἀπεκρέμασεν ἄκρων ἱστῶν. [16] ὅθεν δὴ κατὰ κορυφὴν βαλλόμενοι οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς δέος τι ἄμαχον ἦλθον καὶ Πάνορμον εὐθὺς ὁμολογίᾳ Βελισαρίῳ παρέδοσαν. [17] βασιλεύς τε ἐκ τοῦδε Σικελίαν ὅλην ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν κατήκοον εἶχε. τῷ δὲ Βελισαρίῳ τότε κρεῖσσον λόγου εὐτύχημα ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. [18] τῆς γὰρ ὑπατείας λαβὼν τὸ ἀξίωμα ἐπὶ τῷ Βανδίλους νενικηκέναι, ταύτης ἔτι ἐχόμενος, ἐπειδὴ παρεστήσατο Σικελίαν ὅλην, τῇ τῆς ὑπατείας ὑστάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας εἰσήλασε, πρός τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ Σικελιωτῶν κροτούμενος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα καὶ νόμισμα χρυσοῦ ῥίπτων ἅπασιν. [19] οὐκ ἐξεπίτηδες μέντοι αὐτῷ πεποίηται τοῦτο, ἀλλά τις τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ξυνέβη τύχη πᾶσαν ἀνασωσαμένῳ τὴν νῆσον Ῥωμαίοις ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας ἐσεληλακέναι, τήν τε τῶν ὑπάτων ἀρχήν, οὐχ ᾗπερ εἰώθει ἐν τῷ Βυζαντίου βουλευτηρίῳ, ἀλλ̓ ἐνταῦθα καταθεμένῳ ἐξ ὑπάτων γενέσθαι. Βελισαρίῳ μὲν οὖν οὕτω δὴ εὐημερῆσαι ξυνέτυχεν.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 415