Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  V

  Meanwhile it happened that Belisarius had distinguished himself by the defeat of Gelimer and the Vandals. And the emperor, upon learning what had befallen Amalasuntha, immediately entered upon the war, being in the ninth year of his reign. And he first commanded Mundus, the general of Illyricum, to go to Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and make trial of Salones. Now Mundus was by birth a barbarian, but exceedingly loyal to the cause of the emperor and an able warrior. Then he sent Belisarius by sea with four thousand soldiers from the regular troops and the foederati, and about three thousand of the Isaurians. And the commanders were men of note: Constantinus and Bessas from the land of Thrace, and Peranius from Iberia which is hard by Media, a man who was by birth a member of the royal family of the Iberians, but had before this time come as a deserter to the Romans through enmity toward the Persians; and the levies of cavalry were commanded by Valentinus, Magnus, and Innocentius, and the infantry by Herodian, Paulus, Demetrius, and Ursicinus, while the leader of the Isaurians was Ennes. And there were also two hundred Huns as allies and three hundred Moors. But the general in supreme command over all was Belisarius, and he had with him many notable men as spearmen and guards. And he was accompanied also by Photius, the son of his wife Antonina by a previous marriage; he was still a young man wearing his first beard, but possessed the greatest discretion and shewed a strength of character beyond his years. And the emperor instructed Belisarius to give out that his destination was Carthage, but as soon as they should arrive at Sicily, they were to disembark there as it obliged for some reason to do so, and make trial of the island. And if it should be possible to reduce it to subjection without any trouble, they were to take possession and not let it go again; but if they should meet with any obstacle, they were to sail with all speed to Libya, giving no one an opportunity to perceive what their intention was.

  And he also sent a letter to the leaders of the Franks as follows: “The Goths, having seized by violence Italy, which was ours, have not only refused absolutely to give it back, but have committed further acts of injustice against us which are unendurable and pass beyond all bounds. For this reason we have been compelled to take the field against them, and it is proper that you should join with us in waging this war, which is rendered yours as well as ours not only by the orthodox faith, which rejects the opinion of the Arians, but also by the enmity we both feel toward the Goths.” Such was the emperor’s letter; and making a gift of money to them, he agreed to give more as soon as they should take an active part. And they with all zeal promised to fight in alliance with him.

  Now Mundus and the army under his command entered Dalmatia, and engaging with the Goths who encountered them there, defeated them in the battle and took possession of Salones. As for Belisarius, he put in at Sicily and took Catana. And making that place his base of operations, he took over Syracuse and the other cities by surrender without any trouble; except, indeed, that the Goths who were keeping guard in Panormus, having confidence in the fortifications of the place, which was a strong one, were quite unwilling to yield to Belisarius and ordered him to lead his army away from there with all speed. But Belisarius, considering that it was impossible to capture the place from the landward side, ordered the fleet to sail into the harbour, which extended right up to the wall. For it was outside the circuit-wall and entirely without defenders. Now when the ships had anchored there, it was seen that the masts were higher than the parapet. Straightway, therefore, he filled all the small boats of the ships with bowmen and hoisted them to the tops of the masts. And when from these boats the enemy were shot at from above, they fell into such an irresistible fear that they immediately delivered Panormus to Belisarius by surrender. As a result of this the emperor held all Sicily subject and tributary to himself. And at that time it so happened that there fell to Belisarius a piece of good fortune beyond the power of words to describe. For, having received the dignity of the consulship because of his victory over the Vandals, while he was still holding this honour, and after he had won the whole of Sicily, on the last day of his consulship,[K] he marched into Syracuse, loudly applauded by the army and by the Sicilians and throwing golden coins to all. This coincidence, however, was not intentionally arranged by him, but it was a happy chance which befell the man, that after having recovered the whole of the island for the Romans he marched into Syracuse on that particular day; and so it was not in the senate house in Byzantium, as was customary, but there that he laid down the office of the consuls and so became an ex-consul. Thus, then, did good fortune attend Belisarius.

  DATE:

  [K]Dec. 31, 535 A.D.

  Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα Πέτρος ἔμαθεν, ἐγκείμενος πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον καὶ δεδισσόμενος Θευδάτον οὐκέτι ἀνίει. [2] καὶ ὃς ἀποδειλιάσας τε καὶ ἐς ἀφασίαν ἐμπεπτωκώς, οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ εἰ δορυάλωτος ξὺν τῷ Γελίμερι αὐτὸς ἐγεγόνει, ἐς λόγους τῷ Πέτρῳ κρύφα τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἦλθεν, ἔς τε ξύμβασιν ἐν σφίσιν ἦλθεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ Θευδάτος Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ Σικελίας ἐκστήσεται πάσης, πέμψει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ στέφανον χρυσοῦν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος κατὰ τριακοσίας ἕλκοντα λίτρας, Γότθους τε ἄνδρας μαχίμους ἐς τρισχιλίους, ἡνίκα ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη, Θευδάτῳ δὲ αὐτῷ ἐξουσίαν οὐδαμῆ ἔσεσθαι τῶν τινα ἱερέων ἢ βουλευτῶν ἀποκτιννύναι, ἢ ἀνάγραπτον ἐς τὸ δημόσιον αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν ὅτι μὴ βασιλέως ποιεῖσθαι γνώμῃ: [3] ἢν δέ γε τῶν ὑπηκόων τινὰς ἐς τὸ τῶν πατρικίων ἢ ἄλλο βουλῆς ἀξίωμα Θευδάτος ἀγαγεῖν βούληται, τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ αὐτὸν δώσειν, ἀλλὰ βασιλέα αἰτήσειν διδόναι: [4] εὐφημοῦντα δὲ Ῥωμαίων τὸν δῆμον ἀναβοήσειν ἀεὶ βασιλέα πρῶτον, ἔπειτα Θευδάτον, ἔν τε θεάτροις καὶ ἱπποδρομίαις καὶ εἴ που ἄλλῃ τὸ τοιοῦτον δεήσει γενέσθαι. [5] εἰκόνα τε χαλκῆν ἢ ὕλης ἑτέρας μή ποτε Θευδάτῳ μόνῳ καθίστασθαι, ἀλλὰ γίνεσθαι μὲν ἀεὶ ἀμφοτέροις, στήσεσθαι δὲ οὕτως: ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν τὴν βασιλέως, ἐπὶ θάτερα δὲ τὴν Θευδάτου. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ μὲν τῇ ξυμβάσει γράψας τὸν πρεσβευτὴν ὁ Θευδάτος ἀπεπέμψατο. [6] Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ψυχῆς ὀρρωδία περιλαβοῦσα τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐς δείματά τε ἀπῆγεν ὅρον οὐκ ἔχοντα καὶ ἔστρεφεν αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν, δεδισσομένη τῷ τοῦ πολέμου ὀνόματι, καὶ ὡς, εἴ γε βασιλέα οὐδαμῆ ἀρέσκει τά τε αὐτῷ καὶ Πέτρῳ συγκείμενα, ὁ πόλεμος εὐθὺς ἀπαντήσει. [7] αὖθις οὖν Πέτρον μεταπεμψάμενος ἐν Ἀλβανοῖς ἤδη γενόμενον ἅτε κοινολογούμενος λάθρα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀνεπυνθάνετο, εἰ τὴν ξύμβασιν βασιλεῖ πρὸς ἡδονῆς ἔσεσθαι οἴεται. [8] καὶ ὃς οὕτω δὴ ὑποτοπάζειν ἔφη. ‘Ἢν δέ γε ταῦτα μηδαμῆ ἀρέσκει τὸν ἄνδρα, τί τὸ ἐντεῦθεν γενήσεται;’ [9] εἶπεν. ἀπεκρίνατο Πέτρος ‘Πολεμητέα σοι τὸ λοιπόν, ὦ γενναῖε.’ ‘Τί δέ; δίκαια ταῦτα, ὦ φίλτατε πρεσβευτά;’ ἔφη. ὁ δὲ αὐτίκα ἔφη ὑπολαβών ‘Καὶ πῶς οὐ δίκαιον, ὦ ἀγαθέ,’ εἶπε, ‘τὰ ἐπιτ
ηδεύματα τῇ ψυχῇ ἑκάστου φυλάσσεσθαι;’ ‘Τί δὴ τοῦτό ἐστιν;’ ὁ Θευδάτος ἠρώτα. [10] ‘Ὅτι σοὶ μὲν σπουδὴ πολλὴ φιλοσοφεῖν,’ ἔφη, ‘Ἰουστινιανῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ Ῥωμαίων γενναίῳ εἶναι. διαφέρει δέ, ὅτι τῷ μὲν φιλοσοφίαν ἀσκήσαντι θάνατον ἀνθρώποις πορίζεσθαι, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοσούτοις τὸ πλῆθος, οὐ μήποτε εὐπρεπὲς εἴη, καὶ ταῦτα ἀπὸ τῆς Πλάτωνος διατριβῆς, ἧς δηλονότι μετασχόντι σοι μὴ οὐχὶ φόνου παντὸς ἐλευθέρῳ εἶναι οὐχ ὅσιον: ἐκεῖνον δὲ χώρας μεταποιήσασθαι οὐδὲν ἀπεικὸς ἄνωθεν [11] τῇ ὑπαρχούσῃ αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῇ.’ ταύτῃ ὁ Θευδάτος τῇ ὑποθήκῃ ἀναπεισθεὶς ὡμολόγησεν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἐκστήσεσθαι. [12] καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ὤμοσε: τόν τε Πέτρον ὅρκοις κατέλαβεν, ὡς οὐ πρότερον ἔκπυστα ταῦτα ποιήσεται, πρὶν ἂν βασιλέα οὐκ ἐνδεχόμενον τὴν προτέραν ξύμβασιν ἴδοι. [13] καὶ Ῥουστικὸν τῶν τινα ἱερέων καὶ αὐτῷ μάλιστα ἐπιτήδειον, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαῖον, ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἔπεμψεν. οἷς δὴ καὶ γράμματα ἐνεχείρισε. [14] Πέτρος μὲν οὖν καὶ Ῥουστικὸς ἐν Βυζαντίῳ γενόμενοι τὰ πρότερον δόξαντα βασιλεῖ ἤγγειλαν, καθάπερ Θευδάτος σφίσιν ἐπέστελλεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς λόγους ἐνδέχεσθαι βασιλεὺς ἥκιστα ἤθελε, [15] τὰ ἐν ὑστέρῳ γεγραμμένα ἐπέδειξαν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: ‘Οὐ γέγονα μὲν βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς ἐπηλύτης, τετύχηκε γάρ μοι τετέχθαι τε ἐν βασιλέως θείου καὶ τεθράφθαι τοῦ γένους ἀξίως, πολέμων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τούτοις θορύβων εἰμὶ οὐ παντελῶς ἔμπειρος. [16] περὶ λόγων γὰρ ἀκοὴν ἄνωθεν ἐρωτικῶς ἐσχηκότι μοι καὶ διατριβὴν ἐς τοῦτο ἀεὶ πεποιημένῳ ξυμβαίνει τῆς ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ταραχῆς ἑκαστάτω ἐς τόδε εἶναι. [17] ὥστε ἥκιστά με εἰκὸς τὰς ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας ζηλοῦντα τιμὰς τὸν μετὰ κινδύνων διώκειν βίον, ἐξὸν ἀμφοῖν ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθαι. [18] τούτοιν γάρ μοι οὐδέτερον ἐν ἡδονῇ ἐστι: τὸ μέν, ὅτι κόρῳ τετίμηται, πλησμονὴ γὰρ ἡδέων ἁπάντων, τὸ δέ, ὅτι τὸ μὴ ἐθισθῆναι ἐς ταραχὴν φέρει. [19] ἐγὼ δέ, εἴ μοι χωρία γένηται οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ δώδεκα κεντηναρίων ἐπέτειον φέροντα πρόσοδον, περὶ ἐλάσσονος ἂν αὐτῶν τὴν βασιλείαν ποιήσαιμι, καί σοι τὸ Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν αὐτίκα μάλα ἐγχειριῶ κράτος. [20] ὡς ἔγωγε ἥδιον ἂν ξὺν τῇ ἀπραγμοσύνῃ γεωργὸς εἴην ἢ ἐν μερίμναις βασιλικαῖς βιῴην, κινδύνους ἐκ κινδύνων παραπεμπούσαις. [21] ἀλλὰ πέμπε ἄνδρα ὡς τάχιστα, ὅτῳ με Ἰταλίαν τε καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας πράγματα παραδοῦναι προσήκει.’ [22] Θευδάτου μὲν ἡ γραφὴ τοσαῦτα ἐδήλου. βασιλεὺς δὲ ὑπεράγαν ἡσθεὶς ἀμείβεται ὧδε: ‘Πάλαι μέν σε ξυνετὸν εἶναι ἀκοῇ εἶχον, νῦν δὲ καὶ τῇ πείρᾳ μεμαθηκὼς οἶδα οἷς οὐκ ἔγνωκας τὸ τοῦ πολέμου καραδοκεῖν πέρας. [23] ὅπερ ἤδη πεπονθότες τινὲς ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις ἐσφάλησαν. καί σοι οὔ ποτε μεταμελήσει φίλους ἡμᾶς ἀντὶ πολεμίων ποιησαμένῳ. [24] ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτα ἅπερ αἰτεῖς παῤ ἡμῶν ἕξεις, καὶ προσέσται σοι ἐν ταῖς πρώταις Ῥωμαίων τιμαῖς ἀναγράπτῳ εἶναι. [25] νῦν μὲν οὖν Ἀθανάσιόν τε καὶ Πέτρον ἀπέσταλκα, ὅπως ὁμολογίᾳ τινὶ ἑκατέρῳ τὸ βέβαιον ἔσται. ἥξει δὲ ὅσον οὔπω καὶ Βελισάριος παρὰ σέ, πέρας ἅπασιν [26] ἐπιθήσων ὅσα ἂν ἐν ἡμῖν ξυγκείμενα ᾖ.’ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς γράψας Ἀθανάσιόν τε τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου ἀδελφόν, ὃς πρώην ἐς Ἀταλάριχον, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐπρέσβευσε, καὶ Πέτρον αὖθις τὸν ῥήτορα ἔπεμψεν, οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην, ἐντειλάμενος τὰ μὲν χωρία τῆς βασιλέως οἰκίας, ἣν πατριμώνιον καλοῦσι, Θευδάτῳ νεῖμαι, γράμματα δὲ καὶ ὅρκους ὀχύρωμα ταῖς ξυνθήκαις ποιησαμένους οὕτω δὴ ἐκ Σικελίας Βελισάριον μεταπέμψασθαι, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τά τε βασίλεια καὶ Ἰταλίαν παραλαβὼν ξύμπασαν ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχοι. [27] καὶ Βελισαρίῳ ἐπέστειλεν ὥστε αὐτοῖς, ἐπειδὰν μεταπέμψωνται, κατὰ τάχος ἥκειν.

  VI

  And when Peter learned of the conquest of Sicily, he was still more insistent in his efforts to frighten Theodatus and would not let him go. But he, turning coward and reduced to speechlessness no less than if he himself had become a captive with Gelimer, entered into negotiations with Peter without the knowledge of any others, and between them they formed an agreement, providing that Theodatus should retire from all Sicily in favour of the Emperor Justinian, and should send him also a golden crown every year weighing three hundred litrae, and Gothic warriors to the number of three thousand whenever he should wish; and that Theodatus himself should have no authority to kill any priest or senator, or to confiscate his property for the public treasury except by the decision of the emperor; and that if Theodatus wished to advance any of his subjects to the patrician or some other senatorial rank this honour should not be bestowed by him, but he should ask the emperor to bestow it; and that the Roman populace, in acclaiming their sovereign, should always shout the name of the emperor first, and afterward that of Theodatus, both in the theatres and in the hippodromes and wherever else it should be necessary for such a thing to be done; furthermore, that no statue of bronze nor of any other material should ever be set up to Theodatus alone, but statues must always be made for both, and they must stand thus: on the right that of the emperor, and on the other side that of Theodatus. And after Theodatus had written in confirmation of this agreement he dismissed the ambassador.

  But, a little later, terror laid hold upon the man’s soul and brought him into fears which knew no bound and tortured his mind, filling him with dread at the name of war, and reminding him that if the agreement drawn up by Peter and himself did not please the emperor at all, war would straightway come upon him. Once more, therefore, he summoned Peter, who had already reached Albani, for a secret conference, and enquired of the man whether he thought that the agreement would be pleasing to the emperor. And he replied that he supposed it would. “But if,” said Theodatus, “these things do not please the man at all, what will happen then?” And Peter replied “After that you will have to wage war, most noble Sir.” “But what is this,” he said; “is it just, my dear ambassador?” And
Peter, immediately taking him up, said “And how is it not just, my good Sir, that the pursuits appropriate to each man’s nature should be preserved?” “What, pray, may this mean?” asked Theodatus. “It means,” was the reply, “that your great interest is to philosophize, while Justinian’s is to be a worthy emperor of the Romans. And there is this difference, that for one who has practised philosophy it would never be seemly to bring about the death of men, especially in such great numbers, and it should be added that this view accords with the teachings of Plato, which you have evidently espoused, and hence it is unholy for you not to be free from all bloodshed; but for him it is not at all inappropriate to seek to acquire a land which has belonged from of old to the realm which is his own.” Thereupon Theodatus, being convinced by this advice, agreed to retire from the kingship in favour of the Emperor Justinian, and both he and his wife took an oath to this effect. He then bound Peter by oaths that he would not divulge this agreement until he should see that the emperor would not accept the former convention. And he sent with him Rusticus, a priest who was especially devoted to him and a Roman citizen, to negotiate on the basis of this agreement. And he also entrusted a letter to these men.