So Peter and Rusticus, upon reaching Byzantium, reported the first decision to the emperor, just as Theodatus had directed them to do. But when the emperor was quite unwilling to accept the proposal, they revealed the plan which had been committed to writing afterwards. This was to the following effect: “I am no stranger to royal courts, but it was my fortune to have been born in the house of my uncle while he was king and to have been reared in a manner worthy of my race; and yet I have had little experience of wars and of the turmoils which wars entail. For since from my earliest years I have been passionately addicted to scholarly disputations and have always devoted my time to this sort of thing, I have consequently been up to the present time very far removed from the confusion of battles. Therefore it is utterly absurd that I should aspire to the honours which royalty confers and thus lead a life fraught with danger, when it is possible for me to avoid them both. For neither one of these is a pleasure to me; the first, because it is liable to satiety, for it is a surfeit of all sweet things, and the second, because lack of familiarity with such a life throws one into confusion. But as for me, if estates should be provided me which yielded an annual income of no less than twelve centenaria, I should regard the kingdom as of less account than them, and I shall hand over to thee forthwith the power of the Goths and Italians. For I should find more pleasure in being a farmer free from all cares than in passing my life amid a king’s anxieties, attended as they are by danger after danger. Pray send a man as quickly as possible into whose hands I may fittingly deliver Italy and the affairs of the kingdom.”
Such was the purport of the letter of Theodatus. And the emperor, being exceedingly pleased, replied as follows: “From of old have I heard by report that you were a man of discretion, but now, taught by experience, I know it by the decision you have reached not to await the issue of the war. For certain men who in the past have followed such a course have been completely undone. And you will never repent having made us friends instead of enemies. But you will not only have this that you ask at our hands, but you will also have the distinction of being enrolled in the highest honours of the Romans. Now for the present I have sent Athanasius and Peter, so that each party may have surety by some agreement. And almost immediately Belisarius also will visit you to complete all the arrangements which have been agreed upon between us.” After writing this the emperor sent Athanasius, the brother of Alexander, who had previously gone on an embassy to Atalaric, as has been said, and for the second time Peter the orator, whom I have mentioned above, enjoining upon them to assign to Theodatus the estates of the royal household, which they call “patrimonium”; and not until after they had drawn up a written document and had secured oaths to fortify the agreement were they to summon Belisarius from Sicily, in order that he might take over the palace and all Italy and hold them under guard. And he wrote to Belisarius that as soon as they should summon him he should go thither with all speed.
Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτά τε βασιλεὺς ἔπρασσε καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις οὗτοι ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐστέλλοντο, ἐν τούτῳ Γότθοι, ἄλλων τε καὶ Ἀσιναρίου καὶ Γρίπα σφίσιν ἡγουμένων, στρατῷ πολλῷ ἐς Δαλματίαν ἧκον. [2] ἐπειδή τε Σαλώνων ἄγχιστα ἵκοντο, Μαυρίκιος σφίσιν, ὁ Μούνδου υἱός, οὐκ ἐς παράταξιν, ἀλλ̓ ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ ἥκων ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ὑπηντίαζε. [3] καρτερᾶς δὲ γενομένης τῆς ξυμβολῆς Γότθων μὲν οἱ πρῶτοι καὶ ἄριστοι ἔπεσον, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ σχεδὸν ἅπαντες καὶ Μαυρίκιος ὁ στρατηγός. [4] ἅπερ ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε Μοῦνδος περιώδυνός τε γενόμενος τῇ ξυμφορᾷ καὶ θυμῷ πολλῷ ἤδη ἐχόμενος, αὐτίκα μάλα ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ᾔει. [5] τῆς τε μάχης κρατερᾶς γεγενημένης τὴν Καδμείαν νίκην Ῥωμαίοις νικῆσαι ξυνέπεσε. τῶν μὲν γὰρ πολεμίων ἐνταῦθα οἱ πλεῖστοι ἔπεσον καὶ ἡ τροπὴ λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει, Μοῦνδος δὲ κτείνων τε καὶ ὅπῃ παρατύχοι ἑπόμενος καὶ κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς ξυμφορᾷ ὡς ἥκιστα ἔχων ὑφ̓ ὅτου δὴ τῶν φευγόντων πληγεὶς ἔπεσε, καὶ ἥ τε δίωξις ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα ἑκάτερα διελέλυτο. [6] τότε Ῥωμαῖοι ἀνεμνήσθησαν τοῦ Σιβύλλης ἔπους, ὅπερ ᾀδόμενον ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ τέρας αὐτοῖς ἔδοξεν εἶναι. ἔλεγε γὰρ τὸ λόγιον ἐκεῖνο ὡς, ἡνίκα ἂν Ἀφρικὴ ἔχηται, ὁ κόσμος ξὺν τῷ γόνῳ ὀλεῖται. [7] τὸ μέντοι χρηστήριον οὐ τοῦτο ἐδήλου, ἀλλ̓ ὑπειπὸν ὅτι δὴ αὖθις ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις Λιβύη ἔσται καὶ τοῦτο ἐπεῖπεν, ὅτι τότε ξὺν τῷ παιδὶ ἀπολεῖται Μοῦνδος. λέγει γὰρ ὧδε: Αφριξα ξαπτα μυνδυς ξυμ νατο περιβιτ. [8] ἐπεὶ δὲ κόσμον τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ Μοῦνδος δύναται, ᾤοντο ἀμφὶ τῷ κόσμῳ τὸ λόγιον εἶναι. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδέ πη ἔσχεν. ἐς δὲ Σάλωνας εἰσῆλθεν οὐδείς. [9] οἵ τε γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπ̓ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησαν, ἐπεὶ ἄναρχοι τὸ παράπαν ἐλείποντο, καὶ οἱ Γότθοι τῶν ἀρίστων οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀπολελειμμένου ἐς δέος ἐλθόντες τὰ ἐκείνῃ φρούρια ἔσχον: [10] οὐδὲ γὰρ Σαλώνων τῷ περιβόλῳ ἐπίστευον, ἄλλως τε καὶ οὐ λίαν αὐτοῖς εὐνοϊκῶς ἐχόντων Ῥωμαίων οἵ ταύτῃ ᾤκηντο. [11] Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Θευδάτος ἤκουσε, τοὺς πρέσβεις ἤδη παῤ αὐτὸν ἥκοντας ἐν οὐδενὶ ἐποιήσατο λόγῳ. ἐς γὰρ ἀπιστίαν ἱκανῶς ἐπεφύκει καὶ βέβαιον τὴν διάνοιαν οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν, ἀλλ̓ ἀεὶ αὐτὸν ἡ παροῦσα τύχη ἀλόγως τε καὶ τῶν καθεστώτων οὐκ ἐπαξίως ἔς τε ὀρρωδίαν ἀπῆγε μέτρον οὐκ ἔχουσαν καὶ αὖθις ἐς ἄφατόν τι ἀντικαθίστη θράσος. [12] καὶ τότε γοῦν τοῦ θανάτου πέρι Μούνδου τε ἀκούσας καὶ Μαυρικίου ἐπήρθη τε ὑπεράγαν καὶ οὐ κατὰ λόγον τῶν πεπραγμένων, καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις ἤδη παῤ αὐτὸν ἥκοντας ἐρεσχελεῖν ἠξίου. [13] καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ Πέτρος ποτὲ ἅτε ὑπερβάντι τὰ βασιλεῖ ὡμολογημένα ἐλοιδορεῖτο, ἄμφω Θευδάτος δημοσίᾳ καλέσας ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [14] ‘Σεμνὸν μὲν τὸ χρῆμα τῶν πρέσβεων καὶ ἄλλως ἔντιμον καθέστηκεν ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους, τοῦτο δὲ τὸ γέρας ἐς τόδε οἱ πρέσβεις ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς διασώζουσιν, ἐς ὃ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἐπιεικείᾳ φυλάξωσι τὸ τῆς πρεσβείας ἀξίωμα. [15] κτεῖναι γὰρ ἄνδρα πρεσβευτὴν ἐνδίκως νενομίκασιν ἄνθρωποι, ὅταν ἢ ἐς βασιλέα ὑβρίσας φαίνηται, ἢ γυναικὸς ἄλλῳ ξυνοικούσης ἐς [16] εὐνὴν ἔλθοι.’ Θευδάτος μὲν ταῦτα ἐς Πέτρον ἀπέρριψεν, οὐχ ὅτι γυναικὶ ἐπλησίασεν, ἀλλ̓ ὅπως ἰσχυρίσηται ἐγκλήματα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, γίνεσθαι ἐ�
� πρεσβευτοῦ θάνατον ἄγοντα. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ἀμείβονται τοῖσδε: [17] ‘Οὔτε ταῦτα, ὦ Γότθων ἀρχηγέ, ταύτῃ ᾗπερ εἴρηκας ἔχει, οὐτ̓ ἂν σὺ παραπετάσμασιν οὐχ ὑγιέσιν ἀνόσια ἔργα ἐς ἀνθρώπους πρέσβεις ἐνδείξαιο. [18] μοιχῷ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ βουλομένῳ πρεσβευτῇ πάρεστι γίνεσθαι, ᾧ γε οὐδὲ ὕδατος μεταλαγχάνειν ὅτι μὴ γνώμῃ τῶν φυλασσόντων ῥᾴδιόν ἐστι. [19] λόγους δέ, ὅσους ἂν ἐκ τοῦ πέμψαντος ἀκηκοὼς εἴπῃ, οὐκ αὐτὸς τὴν ἐντεῦθεν αἰτίαν, ἤν γε οὐκ ἀγαθοὶ τύχωσιν ὄντες, εἰκότως ἂν λάβοι, ἀλλ̓ ὁ μὲν κελεύσας φέροιτο ἂν δικαίως τὸ ἔγκλημα τοῦτο, τῷ δὲ πρεσβευτῇ τὸ τὴν ὑπουργίαν ἐκτελέσαι περίεστι μόνον. [20] ὥστε ἡμεῖς μὲν ἅπαντα ἐροῦμεν ὅσα ἀκούσαντες πρὸς βασιλέως ἐστάλημεν, σὺ δὲ ὅπως ἀκούσῃ πρᾴως: ταραττομένῳ γάρ σοι ἀδικεῖν ἀνθρώπους πρέσβεις λελείψεται. [21] οὐκοῦν ὥρα σοι ἑκόντι ἐπιτελεῖν ὅσα βασιλεῖ ὡμολόγησας. ἐπ̓ αὐτὸ γὰρ τοῦτο ἡμεῖς ἥκομεν. καὶ τὴν μὲν ἐπιστολὴν ἥν σοι ἔγραψεν ἤδη λαβὼν ἔχεις, τὰ δὲ γράμματα ἃ τοῖς Γότθων πρώτοις ἔπεμψεν, οὐκ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἢ [22] αὐτοῖς δώσομεν.’ ταῦτα τῶν πρέσβεων εἰπόντων ἐπεὶ παρόντες οἱ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄρχοντες ἤκουσαν, Θευδάτῳ ἐγχειρίσαι τὰ γεγραμμένα σφίσιν ἐπέστελλον. [23] εἶχε δὲ ὧδε: ‘Ἐπιμελὲς γέγονεν ἡμῖν ἐς πολιτείαν ὑμᾶς ἀνελέσθαι τὴν ἡμετέραν, ᾧπερ ὑμᾶς ἡσθῆναι εἰκός. οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῷ ἐλασσοῦσθαι, ἀλλ̓ ὅπως ἀξιώτεροι ἔσεσθε, ἐς ἡμᾶς ἥξετε. [24] ἄλλως τε οὐκ ἐς ἤθη ξένα ἢ ἀλλόγνωτα Γότθους καλοῦμεν, ἀλλ̓ ὧν ἠθάσι γενομένοις ὑμῖν εἶτα ἐπὶ καιροῦ διεστάναι τετύχηκε. διὰ ταῦτα νῦν Ἀθανάσιός τε καὶ Πέτρος ἐστάλησαν αὐτόσε, [25] οἶς ὑμᾶς ἐς ἅπαντα ξυλλαβέσθαι χρεών.’ τοσαῦτα μὲν ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου. Θευδάτος δὲ ἅπαντα ἀναλεξάμενος οὔτε τι ἔργῳ ἐπιτελεῖν ὧν βασιλεῖ ὑπέσχετο ἔγνω καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐν φυλακῇ οὐ μετρίᾳ εἶχε. [26] Βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐπεὶ ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ ἐν Δαλματίᾳ ξυνενεχθέντα ἠκηκόει, Κωνσταντιανὸν μέν, ὃς τῶν βασιλικῶν ἱπποκόμων ἦρχεν, εἰς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἔπεμψε, στρατιάν τε αὐτῷ ἐπιστείλας ἐνθένδε ἀγεῖραι καὶ Σαλώνων ἀποπειρᾶσθαι, ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δυνατὰ εἴη: Βελισάριον δὲ ἐς Ἰταλίαν τε κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευσεν ἰέναι καὶ Γότθοις ὡς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι. [27] Κωνσταντιανὸς μὲν οὖν ἐς Ἐπίδαμνόν τε ἀφίκετο καὶ χρόνον τινὰ διατρίψας ἐνταῦθα στρατιὰν ἤγειρεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Γότθοι, Γρίπα σφίσιν ἡγουμένου, στρατῷ ἑτέρῳ ἐς Δαλματίαν ἀφικόμενοι Σάλωνας ἔσχον: [28] Κωνσταντιανός τε, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς ὡς ἄριστα εἶχεν, ἄρας ἐξ Ἐπιδάμνου τῷ παντὶ στόλῳ ὁρμίζεται ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον, ἥ ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐσπλέοντι τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον: ἔνθα δὴ ἄνδρας οὓς ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ Γρίπας ἔπεμψε τετύχηκεν εἶναι. [29] καὶ αὐτοῖς τάς τε ναῦς ἐπισκοποῦσι καὶ τὸ Κωνσταντιανοῦ στρατόπεδον ἔδοξε θάλασσά τε καὶ ἡ γῆ ξύμπασα στρατιωτῶν ἔμπλεως εἶναι, παρά τε τὸν Γρίπαν ἐπανήκοντες μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ὀλίγας Κωνσταντιανὸν ἐπάγεσθαι ἰσχυρίζοντο. [30] ὁ δὲ ἐς δέος μέγα τι ἐμπεσὼν ὑπαντιάζειν τε τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ἀξύμφορον ᾤετο εἶναι καὶ πολιορκεῖσθαι πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως στρατοῦ, οὕτω δὴ θαλασσοκρατοῦντος, ἥκιστα ἤθελε: [31] μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν ξυνετάρασσεν ὅ τε Σαλώνων περίβολος, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῦ τὰ πολλὰ ἤδη καταπεπτώκει, καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων τὸ ἐς Γότθους κομιδῆ ὕποπτον. [32] καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐνθένδε παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἀπαλλαγεὶς ὅτι τάχιστα ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ στρατοπεδεύεται ὃ μεταξὺ Σαλώνων τε καὶ Σκάρδωνος πόλεώς ἐστι. Κωνσταντιανὸς δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις πλέων ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου, Λυσίνῃ προσέσχεν, ἣ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ κεῖται. [33] ἐνθένδε τε τῶν ἑπομένων τινὰς ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ̓ ᾦ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῷ Γρίπᾳ διερευνώμενοι ὁποῖά ποτε ᾖ ἐσαγγείλωσιν. ἀφ̓ ὧν δὴ τὸν πάντα λόγον πυθόμενος εὐθὺ Σαλώνων κατὰ τάχος ἔπλει. [34] καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα ἐγεγόνει, ἀποβιβάσας τὸ στράτευμα ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον αὐτὸς μὲν ἐνταῦθα ἡσύχαζε, πεντακοσίους δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀπολέξας Σιφίλαν τε αὐτοῖς ἄρχοντα ἐπιστήσας, τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ ἕνα, ἐκέλευε τὴν στενοχωρίαν καταλαβεῖν ἣν δὴ ἐν τῷ τῆς πόλεως προαστείῳ ἐπύθετο εἶναι. καὶ Σιφίλας μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. [35] Κωνσταντιανὸς δὲ καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ πᾶσα ἐς Σάλωνας τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐσελάσαντες τῷ πεζῷ καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ προσωρμίσαντο. [36] Κωνσταντιανὸς μὲν οὖν Σαλώνων τοῦ περιβόλου ἐπεμελεῖτο, ἀνοικοδομούμενος σπουδῇ ἅπαντα ὅσα αὐτοῦ κατεπεπτώκει: Γρίπας δὲ καὶ ὁ τῶν Γότθων στρατός, ἐπειδὴ Ῥωμαῖοι Σάλωνας ἔσχον, ἑβδόμῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐνθένδε ἀναστάντες ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης ἀπεκομίσθησαν, οὕτω τε Κωνσταντιανὸς Δαλματίαν τε καὶ Λιβουρνίαν ξύμπασαν ἔσχε, Γότθους προσαγαγόμενος ἅπαντας οἳ ταύτῃ ἵδρυντο. [37] τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Δαλματίαν ταύτῃ πη ἔσχε. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ πρῶτον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε ὃν Προκόπιος συνέγραψε.
VII
But meantime, while the emperor was engaged in these negotiations and these envoys were travelling to Italy, the Goths, under command of Asinarius and Gripas and some others, had come with a great army into Dalmatia. And when they had reached the neighbourhood of Salones, Mauricius, the son of Mundus, who was not marching out for battle but, with a few men, was on a scouting expedition, encountered them. A violent engagement ensued in which the Goths lost their foremost and noblest men, but the Romans almost their whole company, including thei
r general Mauricius. And when Mundus heard of this, being overcome with grief at the misfortune and by this time dominated by a mighty fury, he went against the enemy without the least delay and regardless of order. The battle which took place was stubbornly contested, and the result was a Cadmean victory for the Romans. For although the most of the enemy fell there and their rout had been decisive, Mundus, who went on killing and following up the enemy wherever he chanced to find them and was quite unable to restrain his mind because of the misfortune of his son, was wounded by some fugitive or other and fell. Thereupon the pursuit ended and the two armies separated. And at that time the Romans recalled the verse of the Sibyl, which had been pronounced in earlier times and seemed to them a portent. For the words of the saying were that when Africa should be held, the “world” would perish together with its offspring. This, however, was not the real meaning of the oracle, but after intimating that Libya would be once more subject to the Romans, it added this statement also, that when that time came Mundus would perish together with his son. For it runs as follows: “Africa capta Mundus cum nato peribit.” But since “mundus” in the Latin tongue has the force of “world,” they thought that the saying had reference to the world. So much, then, for this. As for Salones, it was not entered by anyone. For the Romans went back home, since they were left altogether without a commander, and the Goths, seeing that not one of their nobles was left them, fell into fear and took possession of the strongholds in the neighbourhood; for they had no confidence in the defences of Salones, and, besides, the Romans who lived there were not very well disposed towards them.
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