When Theodatus heard this, he took no account of the envoys who by now had come to him. For he was by nature much given to distrust, and he by no means kept his mind steadfast, but the present fortune always reduced him now to a state of terror which knew no measure, and this contrary to reason and the proper understanding of the situation, and again brought him to the opposite extreme of unspeakable boldness. And so at that time, when he heard of the death of Mundus and Mauricius, he was lifted up exceedingly and in a manner altogether unjustified by what had happened, and he saw fit to taunt the envoys when they at length appeared before him. And when Peter on one occasion remonstrated with him because he had transgressed his agreement with the emperor, Theodatus called both of them publicly and spoke as follows: “The position of envoys is a proud one and in general has come to be held in honour among all men; but envoys preserve for themselves these their prerogatives only so long as they guard the dignity of their embassy by the propriety of their own conduct. For men have sanctioned as just the killing of an envoy whenever he is either found to have insulted a sovereign or has had knowledge of a woman who is the wife of another.” Such were the words with which Theodatus inveighed against Peter, not because he had approached a woman, but, apparently, in order to make good his claim that there were charges which might lead to the death of an ambassador. But the envoys replied as follows: “The facts are not, O Ruler of the Goths, as thou hast stated them, nor canst thou, under cover of flimsy pretexts, wantonly perpetrate unholy deeds upon men who are envoys. For it is not possible for an ambassador, even if he wishes it, to become an adulterer, since it is not easy for him even to partake of water except by the will of those who guard him. And as for the proposals which he has received from the lips of him who has sent him and then delivers, he himself cannot reasonably incur the blame which arises from them, in case they be not good, but he who has given the command would justly bear this charge, while the sole responsibility of the ambassador is to have discharged his mission. We, therefore, shall say all that we were instructed by the emperor to say when we were sent, and do thou hear us quietly; for if thou art stirred to excitement, all thou canst do will be to wrong men who are ambassadors. It is time, therefore, for thee of thine own free will to perform all that thou didst promise the emperor. This, indeed, is the purpose for which we have come. And the letter which he wrote to thee thou hast already received, but as for the writing which he sent to the foremost of the Goths, to no others shall we give it than to them.” When the leading men of the barbarians, who were present, heard this speech of the envoys, they bade them give to Theodatus what had been written to them. And it ran as follows: “It has been the object of our care to receive you back into our state, whereat you may well be pleased. For you will come to us, not in order to be made of less consequence, but that you may be more honoured. And, besides, we are not bidding the Goths enter into strange or alien customs, but into those of a people with whom you were once familiar, though you have by chance been separated from them for a season. For these reasons Athanasius and Peter have been sent to you, and you ought to assist them in all things.” Such was the purport of this letter. But after Theodatus had read everything, he not only decided not to perform in deed the promises he had made to the emperor, but also put the envoys under a strict guard.
But when the Emperor Justinian heard these things and what had taken place in Dalmatia, he sent Constantianus, who commanded the royal grooms, into Illyricum, bidding him gather an army from there and make an attempt on Salones, in whatever manner he might be able; and he commanded Belisarius to enter Italy with all speed and to treat the Goths as enemies. So Constantianus came to Epidamnus and spent some time there gathering an army. But in the meantime the Goths, under the leadership of Gripas, came with another army into Dalmatia and took possession of Salones; and Constantianus, when all his preparations were as complete as possible, departed from Epidamnus with his whole force and cast anchor at Epidaurus which is on the right as one sails into the Ionian Gulf. Now it so happened that some men were there whom Gripas had sent out as spies. And when they took note of the ships and the army of Constantianus it seemed to them that both the sea and the whole land were full of soldiers, and returning to Gripas they declared that Constantianus was bringing against them an army of men numbering many tens of thousands. And he, being plunged into great fear, thought it inexpedient to meet their attack, and at the same time he was quite unwilling to be besieged by the emperor’s army, since it so completely commanded the sea; but he was disturbed most of all by the fortifications of Salones (since the greater part of them had already fallen down), and by the exceedingly suspicious attitude on the part of the inhabitants of the place toward the Goths. And for this reason he departed thence with his whole army as quickly as possible and made camp in the plain which is between Salones and the city of Scardon. And Constantianus, sailing with all his ships from Epidaurus, put in at Lysina, which is an island in the gulf. Thence he sent forward some of his men, in order that they might make enquiry concerning the plans of Gripas and report them to him. Then, after learning from them the whole situation, he sailed straight for Salones with all speed. And when he had put in at a place close to the city, he disembarked his army on the mainland and himself remained quiet there; but he selected five hundred from the army, and setting over them as commander Siphilas, one of his own bodyguards, he commanded them to seize the narrow pass which, as he had been informed, was in the outskirts of the city. And this Siphilas did. And Constantianus and his whole land army entered Salones on the following day, and the fleet anchored close by. Then Constantianus proceeded to look after the fortifications of the city, building up in haste all such parts of them as had fallen down; and Gripas, with the Gothic army, on the seventh day after the Romans had taken possession of Salones, departed from there and betook themselves to Ravenna; and thus Constantianus gained possession of all Dalmatia and Liburnia, bringing over to his side all the Goths who were settled there. Such were the events in Dalmatia. And the winter drew to a close, and thus ended the first year of this war, the history of which Procopius has written.
Βελισάριος δὲ φύλακας ἔν τε Συρακούσῃ καὶ Πανόρμῳ ἀπολιπὼν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐκ Μεσήνης διέβη ἐς Ῥήγιον ῾ἔνθα δὴ οἱ ποιηταὶ τήν τε Σκύλλαν γεγονέναι μυθοποιοῦσι καὶ Χάρυβδιν̓, καὶ αὐτῷ προσεχώρουν ὁσημέραι οἱ ταύτῃ ἄνθρωποι. [2] τῶν τε γὰρ χωρίων ἀτειχίστων σφίσιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ ὄντων, φυλακὴν αὐτῶν οὐδαμῆ εἶχον καὶ κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Γότθων μάλιστα τῇ παρούσῃ ἀρχῇ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἤχθοντο. [3] ἐκ δὲ Γότθων αὐτόμολος παρὰ Βελισάριον Ἐβρίμους ξὺν πᾶσι τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἦλθεν, ὁ Θευδάτου γαμβρός, ὃς τῇ ἐκείνου θυγατρὶ Θευδενάνθῃ ξυνῴκει. αὐτίκα τε παρὰ βασιλέα σταλείς, γερῶν τε ἄλλων ἔτυχε καὶ ἐς τὸ πατρικίων ἀξίωμα ἦλθε. [4] τὸ δὲ στράτευμα ἐκ Ῥηγίου πεζῇ διὰ Βριττίων τε καὶ Λευκανῶν ᾔει, παρηκολούθει τε ἄγχιστα τῆς ἠπείρου ὁ τῶν νηῶν στόλος. [5] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀφίκοντο, πόλει ἐνέτυχον ἐπιθαλασσίᾳ, Νεαπόλει ὄνομα, χωρίου τε φύσει ἐχυρᾷ καὶ Γότθων πολλῶν φρουρὰν ἐχούσῃ. [6] καὶ τὰς μὲν ναῦς Βελισάριος ἐκέλευεν ἐν τῷ λιμένι ἔξω βελῶν ὄντι ὁρμίζεσθαι, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἐγγὺς στρατόπεδον ποιησάμενος πρῶτον μὲν τὸ φρούριον ὃ ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ ἐστὶν ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοῖ
ς ἐν τῇ πόλει δεομένοις ἐπέτρεπε τῶν τινας λογίμων ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον πέμψαι, ἐφ̓ ᾦ ἐπείπωσί τε ὅσα αὐτοῖς βουλομένοις ἐστὶ καὶ τοὺς λόγους ἀκούσαντες τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἐς τὸ πᾶν ἀγγείλωσιν. [7] αὐτίκα οὖν οἱ Νεαπολῖται Στέφανον πέμπουσιν. ὃς ἐπεὶ παρὰ Βελισάριον ἧκεν, ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ‘Οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖς, ὦ στρατηγέ, ἐπ̓ ἄνδρας Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦντας στρατεύων, οἳ πόλιν τε μικρὰν οἰκοῦμεν καὶ βαρβάρων δεσποτῶν φρουρὰν ἔχομεν, ὥστε οὐδ̓ ἀντιπρᾶξαι, [8] ἢν ἐθέλωμεν, ἐφ̓ ἡμῖν εἶναι. ἀλλὰ καὶ φρουροῖς τοῖσδε ξυμβαίνει παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τιμιώτατα ὑπὸ ταῖς Θευδάτου χερσὶν ἀπολιποῦσιν ἐπὶ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ φυλακῇ ἥκειν. [9] οὐκοῦν, ἤν τι ἐς ὑμᾶς πράξωσιν, οὐ τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καταπροδιδόντες φανήσονται. [10] εἰ δὲ δεῖ τἀληθὲς οὐδὲν ὑποστειλάμενον εἰπεῖν, οὐδὲ τὰ ξύμφορα ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς βουλευσάμενοι ἐφ̓ ἡμᾶς ἥκετε. Ῥώμην μὲν γὰρ ἑλοῦσιν ὑμῖν καὶ Νεάπολις οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ὑποχειρία ἔσται, ἐκείνης δέ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀποκρουσθέντες οὐδὲ ταύτην ἀσφαλῶς ἕξετε. [11] ὥστε τηνάλλως ὁ χρόνος ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ προσεδρείᾳ τετρίψεται ταύτῃ.’ Τοσαῦτα μὲν Στέφανος εἶπε. Βελισάριος δὲ ἀμείβεται ὧδε: [12] ‘Τὸ μὲν εὖ ἢ ἄλλως ἡμᾶς βουλευσαμένους ἐνθάδε ἥκειν οὐ Νεαπολίταις σκοπεῖν δώσομεν. ἃ δέ ἐστι τῆς ὑμετέρας βουλῆς ἄξια, βουλόμεθα σκοπουμένους ὑμᾶς οὕτω δὴ πράσσειν ὅσα ἂν ξυνοίσειν ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς μέλλῃ. [13] δέξασθε τοίνυν τῇ πόλει τὸν βασιλέως στρατὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ἐλευθερίᾳ ὑμῶν τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰταλιωτῶν ἥκοντα, καὶ μὴ τὰ πάντων ἀνιαρότατα ἐφ̓ ὑμῖν ἕλησθε. [14] ὅσοι μὲν γὰρ δουλείαν ἢ ἄλλο τι ἀναδυόμενοι τῶν αἰσχρῶν ἐς πόλεμον χωροῦσιν, οὗτοι δὴ ἔν γε τῷ ἀγῶνι εὐημεροῦντες εὐτυχήματα διπλᾶ ἔχουσι, ξὺν τῇ νίκῃ καὶ τὴν τῶν κακῶν ἐλευθερίαν κτησάμενοι, καὶ ἡσσώμενοι φέρονταί τι αὑτοῖς παραμύθιον, τὸ μὴ ἑκόντες τῇ χείρονι ἕπεσθαι τύχῃ. [15] οἷς δὲ παρὸν ἀμαχητὶ ἐλευθέροις εἶναι, οἱ δὲ ὅπως τὴν δουλείαν βέβαιον ἕξουσιν ἐς ἀγῶνα καθιστῶνται, οὗτοι δὴ καὶ νενικηκότες, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ἐσφάλησαν, καὶ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἐλασσόνως ἢ ἐβούλοντο ἀπαλλάξαντες ξὺν τῇ ἄλλῃ κακοδαιμονίᾳ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἥσσης ξυμφορὰν ἕξουσι. πρὸς μὲν οὖν Νεαπολίτας ἡμῖν τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. [16] Γότθοις δὲ τοῖσδε τοῖς παροῦσιν αἵρεσιν δίδομεν, ἢ ξὺν ἡμῖν τοῦ λοιποῦ ὑπὸ βασιλεῖ τῷ μεγάλῳ τετάχθαι, ἢ κακῶν ἀπαθέσιν τὸ παράπαν οἴκαδε ἰέναι. [17] ὡς, ἢν τούτων ἁπάντων αὐτοί τε καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀμελήσαντες ὅπλα ἡμῖν ἀνταίρειν τολμήσητε, ἀνάγκη καὶ ἡμᾶς, ἢν θεὸς θέλῃ, τῷ προστυχόντι ὡς πολεμίῳ χρῆσθαι. [18] εἰ μέντοι βουλομένοις ᾖ Νεαπολίταις τά τε βασιλέως ἑλέσθαι καὶ δουλείας οὕτω χαλεπῆς ἀπηλλάχθαι, ἐκεῖνα ὑμῖν ἀναδέχομαι τὰ πιστὰ διδοὺς ἔσεσθαι πρὸς ἡμῶν ἃ Σικελιῶται πρώην ἐλπίσαντες ψευδορκίους ἡμᾶς οὐκ ἔσχον εἰπεῖν.’ [19] Ταῦτα μὲν Στέφανον Βελισάριος ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἀπαγγέλλειν ἐκέλευεν. ἰδίᾳ δέ οἱ μεγάλα ὑπέσχετο ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, Νεαπολίτας ἐς εὔνοιαν τὴν βασιλέως ὁρμήσοντι. [20] Στέφανος δὲ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἥκων τούς τε Βελισαρίου λόγους ἀπήγγελλε καὶ γνώμην αὐτὸς ἀπεφαίνετο βασιλεῖ μάχεσθαι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι. [21] καί οἱ ξυνέπρασσεν Ἀντίοχος, Σύρος μὲν ἀνήρ, ἐκ παλαιοῦ δὲ ᾠκημένος ἐν Νεαπόλει ἐπὶ τῇ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐργασίᾳ καὶ δόξαν πολλὴν ἐπί τε ξυνέσει καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ ἐνταῦθα ἔχων. [22] Πάστωρ δὲ καὶ Ἀσκληπιόδοτος ῥήτορε μὲν ἤστην καὶ λίαν ἔν γε Νεαπολίταις λογίμω, Γότθοις δὲ φίλω ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ τὰ παρόντα ὡς ἥκιστα βουλομένω μεταβάλλεσθαι. [23] τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε βουλευσαμένω ὅπως τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐν κωλύμῃ ἔσται, πολλά τε καὶ μεγάλα τὸ πλῆθος ἐνηγέτην προΐσχεσθαι καὶ Βελισάριον ὅρκοις καταλαμβάνειν ὅτι δὴ τούτων αὐτίκα μάλα πρὸς αὐτοῦ τεύξονται. [24] ἐν βιβλιδίῳ δὲ ἅπαντα γράψαντε ὅσα Βελισάριον οὐκ ἄν τις ἐνδέξασθαι ὑπετόπησε Στεφάνῳ ἔδοσαν. [25] ὅς, ἐπεὶ ἐς τὸ βασιλέως στρατόπεδον αὖθις ἀφίκετο, τῷ στρατηγῷ ἐπιδείξας τὸ γραμματεῖον ἐπυνθάνετο εἴ οἱ πάντα τε ἐπιτελέσαι ὅσα Νεαπολῖται προτείνονται καὶ περὶ τούτων ὀμεῖσθαι βουλομένῳ εἴη. ὁ δὲ αὐτόν, ἅπαντα σφίσιν ἐπιτελῆ ἔσεσθαι ὑποσχόμενος, ἀπεπέμψατο. [26] ταῦτα Νεαπολῖται ἀκούσαντες τούς τε λόγους ἐνεδέχοντο ἤδη καὶ κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευον τῇ πόλει τὸ βασιλέως στράτευμα δέχεσθαι. [27] ἀπαντήσειν γὰρ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἰσχυρίζετο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, εἴ τῳ ἱκανοὶ Σικελιῶται τεκμηριῶσαι, οἷς δὴ τετύχηκεν ἔναγχος βαρβάρων τυράννων τὴν Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλείαν ἀλλαξαμένοις, ἐλευθέροις τε εἶναι καὶ ἀπαθέσι δυσκόλων ἁπάντων. [28] καὶ πολλῷ θορύβῳ ἐχόμενοι ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ὡς δὴ αὐτὰς ἀνακλινοῦντες ᾔεσαν. Γότθοις δὲ οὐκ ἦν ἐν ἡδονῇ τὰ πρασσόμενα, κωλύειν μέντοι οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες ἐκποδὼν ἵσταντο. [29] Πάστωρ δὲ καὶ Ἀσκληπιόδοτος τόν τε δῆμον καὶ Γότθους ἅπαντας ἐς ἕνα συγκαλέσαντες χῶρον ἔλεξαν τοιάδε: ‘Πόλεως μὲν πλῆθος ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν προΐεσθαι οὐδὲν ἀπεικός, ἄλλως τε ἢν καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν δοκίμων κοινώσαντες εἶτα αὐτόνομον τὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων ποιήσωνται γνῶσιν. [30] ἡμᾶς δὲ ἀνάγκη ξὺν ὑμῖ
ν ὅσον οὔπω ἀπολουμένους ὕστατον ἔρανον τῇ: πατρίδι τήνδε παρέχεσθαι τὴν παραίνεσιν. [31] ὁρῶμεν τοίνυν ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες πολῖται, καταπροδιδόναι Βελισαρίῳ ὑμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐπειγομένους, πολλά τε ὑμᾶς ἀγαθὰ ἐπαγγελλομένῳ ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ ὅρκους δεινοτάτους ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀμεῖσθαι. [32] εἰ μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο ὑμῖν ἀναδέχεσθαι οἷός τέ ἐστιν ὡς ἐς αὐτὸν ἥξει τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀντείποι μὴ οὐχὶ ταῦτα ὑμῖν ξύμφορα εἶναι. [33] τῷ γὰρ κυρίῳ γενησομένῳ μὴ οὐχὶ πάντα χαρίζεσθαι πολλὴ ἄνοια. εἰ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἐν ἀδήλῳ κεῖται, ἀνθρώπων δὲ οὐδεὶς ἀξιόχρεώς ἐστι τὴν τῆς τύχης ἀναδέχεσθαι γνώμην, σκέψασθε ὑπὲρ οἵων ὑμῖν συμφορῶν ἡ σπουδὴ γίγνεται. [34] ἢν γὰρ τῷ πολέμῳ Γότθοι τῶν δυσμενῶν περιέσονται, ὡς πολεμίους ὑμᾶς καὶ τὰ δεινότατα σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰργασμένους κολάσουσιν. [35] οὐ γὰρ ἀνάγκῃ βιαζόμενοι, ἀλλὰ γνώμῃ ἐθελοκακοῦντες ἐς τὴν προδοσίαν καθίστασθε. ὥστε καὶ Βελισαρίῳ κρατήσαντι τῶν πολεμίων ἴσως ἄπιστοί τε φανούμεθα καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων προδόται, καὶ ἅτε δραπέται γεγενημένοι, ἐς πάντα τὸν αἰῶνα φρουρὰν πρὸς βασιλέως κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἕξομεν. [36] ὁ γάρ του προδότου τετυχηκὼς τῇ μὲν χάριτι ἐς τὸ παραυτίκα νικήσας ἥσθη, ὑποψίᾳ δὲ ὕστερον τῇ ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων μισεῖ καὶ φοβεῖται τὸν εὐεργέτην, αὐτὸς ἐφ̓ ἑαυτῷ τὰ τῆς ἀπιστίας γνωρίσματα ἔχων. [37] ἢν μέντοι πιστοὶ Γότθοις ἐν τῷ παρόντι γενώμεθα, γενναίως ὑποστάντες τὸν κίνδυνον, αὐτοί τε τῶν πολεμίων κρατήσαντες μεγάλα ἡμᾶς ἀγαθὰ δράσουσι καὶ Βελισάριος ἡμῖν νενικηκώς, [38] ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, συγγνώμων ἔσται. εὔνοια γὰρ ἀποτυχοῦσα πρὸς οὐδενὸς ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ ἀξυνέτου κολάζεται. [39] τί δὲ καὶ παθόντες κατωρρωδήκατε τῶν πολεμίων τὴν προσεδρείαν, οἳ οὔτε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων σπανίζοντες οὔτε του ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων κάθησθε οἴκοι, τῷ τε περιβόλῳ καὶ φρουροῖς τοῖσδε τὸ θαρρεῖν ἔχοντες; οἰόμεθα δὲ οὐδ̓ ἂν Βελισάριον ἐς τήνδε ξυμβῆναι τὴν ὁμολογίαν ἡμῖν, εἴ τινα βίᾳ τὴν πόλιν αἱρήσειν ἐλπίδα εἶχε. [40] καίτοι εἰ τὰ δίκαια καὶ ἡμῖν ξυνοίσοντα ποιεῖν ἤθελεν, οὐ Νεαπολίτας αὐτὸν δεδίσσεσθαι ἐχρῆν οὐδὲ τῇ παῤ ἡμῶν ἐς Γότθους ἀδικίᾳ τὴν οἰκείαν βεβαιοῦν δύναμιν, ἀλλὰ Θευδάτῳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, ὅπως κινδύνου τε καὶ προδοσίας ἡμετέρας χωρὶς ἡ πόλις ἐς τὸ τῶν νικώντων χωρήσει κράτος.’ [41] Τοσαῦτα Πάστωρ τε καὶ Ἀσκληπιόδοτος εἰπόντες τοὺς Ἰουδαίους παρῆγον ἰσχυριζομένους τὴν πόλιν τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐδενὸς ἐνδεᾶ ἔσεσθαι, καὶ Γότθοι δὲ φυλάξειν ἀσφαλῶς τὸν περίβολον ἰσχυρίζοντο. [42] οἷς δὴ Νεαπολῖται ἠγμένοι ἐκέλευον Βελισάριον ἐνθένδε ὅτι τάχιστα ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι. [43] ὁ δὲ ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν καθίστατο. πολλάκις τε τοῦ περιβόλου ἀποπειρασάμενος ἀπεκρούσθη, τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπολέσας πολλούς, καὶ μάλιστα οἷς δὴ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιεῖσθαι ξυνέβαινε. [44] τὸ γὰρ Νεαπόλεως τεῖχος τὰ μὲν θαλάσσῃ, τὰ δὲ δυσχωρίαις τισὶν ἀπρόσοδόν τε ἦν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσι τά τε ἄλλα καὶ διὰ τὸ ἄναντες εἶναι οὐδαμῆ ἐσβατόν. [45] καὶ τὸν ὀχετὸν μέντοι, ὃς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσῆγε τὸ ὕδωρ, διελὼν Βελισάριος, οὐ σφόδρα Νεαπολίτας ἐτάραξεν, ἐπεὶ φρέατα ἐντός τε ὄντα τοῦ περιβόλου καὶ τὴν χρείαν παρεχόμενα αἴσθησιν τούτου σφίσιν οὐ λίαν ἐδίδου.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 418