Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XI

  But the Goths who were at Rome and in the country round about had even before this regarded with great amazement the inactivity of Theodatus, because, though the enemy was in his neighbourhood, he was unwilling to engage them in battle, and they felt among themselves much suspicion toward him, believing that he was betraying the cause of the Goths to the Emperor Justinian of his own free will, and cared for nothing else than that he himself might live in quiet, possessed of as much money as possible. Accordingly, when they heard that Naples had been captured, they began immediately to make all these charges against him openly and gathered at a place two hundred and eighty stades distant from Rome, which the Romans call Regata. And it seemed best to them to make camp in that place; for there are extensive plains there which furnish pasture for horses. And a river also flows by the place, which the inhabitants call Decennovium in the Latin tongue, because it flows past nineteen milestones, a distance which amounts to one hundred and thirteen stades, before it empties into the sea near the city of Taracina; and very near that place is Mt. Circaeum, where they say Odysseus met Circe, though the story seems to me untrustworthy, for Homer declares that the habitation of Circe was on an island. This, however, I am able to say, that this Mt. Circaeum, extending as it does far into the sea, resembles an island, so that both to those who sail close to it and to those who walk to the shore in the neighbourhood it has every appearance of being an island. And only when a man gets on it does he realize that he was deceived in his former opinion. And for this reason Homer perhaps called the place an island. But I shall return to the previous narrative.

  The Goths, after gathering at Regata, chose as king over them and the Italians Vittigis, a man who, though not of a conspicuous house, had previously won great renown in the battles about Sirmium, when Theoderic was carrying on the war against the Gepaedes. Theodatus, therefore, upon hearing this, rushed off in flight and took the road to Ravenna. But Vittigis quickly sent Optaris, a Goth, instructing him to bring Theodatus alive or dead. Now it happened that this Optaris was hostile to Theodatus for the following cause. Optaris was wooing a certain young woman who was an heiress and also exceedingly beautiful to look upon. But Theodatus, being bribed to do so, took the woman he was wooing from him, and betrothed her to another. And so, since he was not only satisfying his own rage, but rendering a service to Vittigis as well, he pursued Theodatus with great eagerness and enthusiasm, stopping neither day nor night. And he overtook him while still on his way, laid him on his back on the ground, and slew him like a victim for sacrifice. Such was the end of Theodatus’ life and of his rule, which had reached the third year.[M]

  DATE:

  [M]Dec. 536 A.D.

  And Vittigis, together with the Goths who were with him, marched to Rome. And when he learned what had befallen Theodatus, he was pleased and put Theodatus’ son Theodegisclus under guard. But it seemed to him that the preparations of the Goths were by no means complete, and for this reason he thought it better first to go to Ravenna, and after making everything ready there in the best possible way, then at length to enter upon the war. He therefore called all the Goths together and spoke as follows:

  “The success of the greatest enterprises, fellow-soldiers, generally depends, not upon hasty action at critical moments, but upon careful planning. For many a time a policy of delay adopted at the opportune moment has brought more benefit than the opposite course, and haste displayed at an unseasonable time has upset for many men their hope of success. For in most cases those who are unprepared, though they fight on equal terms so far as their forces are concerned, are more easily conquered than those who, with less strength, enter the struggle with the best possible preparation. Let us not, therefore, be so lifted up by the desire to win momentary honour as to do ourselves irreparable harm; for it is better to suffer shame for a short time and by so doing gain an undying glory, than to escape insult for the moment and thereby, as would probably be the case, be left in obscurity for all after time. And yet you doubtless know as well as I that the great body of the Goths and practically our whole equipment of arms is in Gaul and Venetia and the most distant lands. Furthermore, we are carrying on against the nations of the Franks a war which is no less important than this one, and it is great folly for us to proceed to another war without first settling that one satisfactorily. For it is natural that those who become exposed to attack on two sides and do not confine their attention to a single enemy should be worsted by their opponents. But I say that we must now go straight from here to Ravenna, and after bringing the war against the Franks to an end and settling all our other affairs as well as possible, then with the whole army of the Goths we must fight it out with Belisarius. And let no one of you, I say, try to dissemble regarding this withdrawal, nor hesitate to call it flight. For the title of coward, fittingly applied, has saved many, while the reputation for bravery which some men have gained at the wrong time, has afterward led them to defeat. For it is not the names of things, but the advantage which comes from what is done, that is worth seeking after. For a man’s worth is revealed by his deeds, not at their commencement, but at their end. And those do not flee before the enemy who, when they have increased their preparation, forthwith go against them, but those who are so anxious to save their own lives for ever that they deliberately stand aside. And regarding the capture of this city, let no fear come to any one of you. For if, on the one hand, the Romans are loyal to us, they will guard the city in security for the Goths, and they will not experience any hardship, for we shall return to them in a short time. And if, on the other hand, they harbour any suspicions toward us, they will harm us less by receiving the enemy into the city; for it is better to fight in the open against one’s enemies. None the less I shall take care that nothing of this sort shall happen. For we shall leave behind many men and a most discreet leader, and they will be sufficient to guard Rome so effectively that not only will the situation here be favourable for us, but also that no harm may possibly come from this withdrawal of ours.”

  Thus spoke Vittigis. And all the Goths expressed approval and prepared for the journey. After this Vittigis exhorted at length Silverius, the priest of the city, and the senate and people of the Romans, reminding them of the rule of Theoderic, and he urged upon all to be loyal to the nation of the Goths, binding them by the most solemn oaths to do so; and he chose out no fewer than four thousand men, and set in command over them Leuderis, a man of mature years who enjoyed a great reputation for discretion, that they might guard Rome for the Goths. Then he set out for Ravenna with the rest of the army, keeping the most of the senators with him as hostages. And when he had reached that place, he made Matasuntha, the daughter of Amalasuntha, who was a maiden now of marriageable age, his wedded wife, much against her will, in order that he might make his rule more secure by marrying into the family of Theoderic. After this he began to gather all the Goths from every side and to organize and equip them, duly distributing arms and horses to each one; and only the Goths who were engaged in garrison duty in Gaul he was unable to summon, through fear of the Franks. These Franks were called “Germani” in ancient times. And the manner in which they first got a foothold in Gaul, and where they had lived before that, and how they became hostile to the Goths, I shall now proceed to relate.

  Τὴν θάλασσαν ἔκ τε ὠκεανοῦ καὶ Γαδείρων ἐσπλέοντι χώρα μὲν ἡ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, Εὐρώπη ὠνόμασται, ἡ δὲ ἀντιπέρας αὐτῇ Λιβύη ἐκλήθη, ἣν δὴ προϊόντες Ἀσίαν καλοῦσι. [2] Λιβύης μὲν οὖν τὰ ἐπέκεινα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν: ἔρημος γάρ ἐστιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀνθρώπων, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἡ πρώτη τοῦ Νείλου ἐκροὴ οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσται, ὃν δὴ ἐπ̓ Αἰγύπτου ἐνθένδε φέρεσθαι λέγουσιν. [3] Εὐρ
ώπη δὲ εὐθὺς ἀρχομένη Πελοποννήσῳ βεβαιότατα ἐμφερής ἐστι καὶ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ ἑκατέρωθι κεῖται. καὶ χώρα μὲν ἣ πρώτη ἀμφί τε τὸν ὠκεανὸν καὶ δύοντα ἥλιόν ἐστιν Ἱσπανία ὠνόμασται, ἄχρι ἐς Ἄλπεις τὰς ἐν ὄρει τῷ Πυρηναίῳ οὔσας. [4] Ἄλπεις δὲ καλεῖν τὴν ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ δίοδον οἱ ταύτῃ ἄνθρωποι νενομίκασι. τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε μέχρι τῶν Λιγουρίας ὁρίων Γαλλία ἐκλήθη. ἔνθα δὴ καὶ Ἄλπεις ἕτεραι Γάλλους τε καὶ Λιγούρους διορίζουσι. [5] Γαλλία μέντοι Ἱσπανίας πολλῷ εὐρυτέρα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐστίν, ἐπεὶ ἐκ στενοῦ ἀρχομένη Εὐρώπη ἐς ἄφατόν τι εὖρος ἀεὶ προϊόντι κατὰ λόγον χωρεῖ. [6] χώρα δὲ αὕτη ἑκατέρα τὰ μὲν πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον πρὸς τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ περιβάλλεται, τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον θάλασσαν τὴν Τυρρηνικὴν καλουμένην ἔχει. [7] ἐν Γάλλοις δὲ ἄλλοι τε ποταμοὶ καὶ Ῥοδανός τε καὶ Ῥῆνος ῥέουσι. τούτοιν τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἐναντίαν ἀλλήλοιν ἰόντοιν ἅτερος μὲν ἐκδίδωσιν ἐς τὴν Τυρρηνικὴν θάλασσαν, Ῥῆνος δὲ ἐς τὸν ὠκεανὸν τὰς ἐκβολὰς ποιεῖται. [8] λίμναι τε ἐνταῦθα πολλαί, οὗ δὴ Γερμανοὶ τὸ παλαιὸν ᾤκηντο, βάρβαρον ἔθνος, οὐ πολλοῦ λόγου τὸ κατ̓ ἀρχὰς ἄξιον, οἳ νῦν Φράγγοι καλοῦνται. [9] τούτων ἐχόμενοι Ἀρβόρυχοι ᾤκουν, οἳ ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ ἄλλῃ Γαλλίᾳ καὶ μὴν καὶ Ἱσπανίᾳ Ῥωμαίων κατήκοοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἦσαν. [10] μετὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον Θόριγγοι βάρβαροι, δόντος Αὐγούστου πρώτου βασιλέως, ἱδρύσαντο. [11] καὶ αὐτῶν Βουργουζίωνες οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν πρὸς νότον ἄνεμον τετραμμένοι ᾤκουν, Σούαβοί τε ὑπὲρ Θορίγγων καὶ Ἀλαμανοί, ἰσχυρὰ ἔθνη. οὗτοι αὐτόνομοι ἅπαντες ταύτῃ τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἵδρυντο. [12] Προϊόντος δὲ χρόνου Οὐισίγοτθοι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν βιασάμενοι Ἱσπανίαν τε πᾶσαν καὶ Γαλλίας τὰ ἐκτὸς Ῥοδανοῦ ποταμοῦ κατήκοα σφίσιν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ποιησάμενοι ἔσχον. [13] ἐτύγχανον δὲ Ἀρβόρυχοι τότε Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται γεγενημένοι. οὓς δὴ Γερμανοὶ κατηκόους σφίσιν ἐθέλοντες, ἅτε ὁμόρους ὄντας καὶ πολιτείαν ἣν πάλαι εἶχον μεταβαλόντας, ποιήσασθαι, ἐληίζοντό τε καὶ πανδημεὶ πολεμησείοντες ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν. [14] Ἀρβόρυχοι δὲ ἀρετήν τε καὶ εὔνοιαν ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἐνδεικνύμενοι ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγένοντο, καὶ ἐπεὶ βιάζεσθαι αὐτοὺς Γερμανοὶ οὐχ οἷοί τε ἦσαν, ἑταιρίζεσθαί τε ἠξίουν καὶ ἀλλήλοις κηδεσταὶ γίνεσθαι. [15] ἃ δὴ Ἀρβόρυχοι οὔτι ἀκούσιοι ἐνεδέχοντο: Χριστιανοὶ γὰρ ἀμφότεροι ὄντες ἐτύγχανον, οὕτω τε ἐς ἔνα λεὼν ξυνελθόντες δυνάμεως ἐπὶ μέγα ἐχώρησαν. [16] Καὶ στρατιῶται δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἕτεροι ἐς Γάλλων τὰς ἐσχατιὰς φυλακῆς ἕνεκα ἐτετάχατο. [17] οἳ δὴ οὔτε ἐς Ῥώμην ὅπως ἐπανήξουσιν ἔχοντες οὐ μὴν οὔτε προσχωρεῖν Ἀρειανοῖς οὖσι τοῖς πολεμίοις βουλόμενοι, σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς ξὺν τοῖς σημείοις καὶ χώραν ἣν πάλαι Ῥωμαίοις ἐφύλασσον Ἀρβορύχοις τε καὶ Γερμανοῖς ἔδοσαν, ἔς τε ἀπογόνους τοὺς σφετέρους ξύμπαντα παραπέμψαντες διεσώσαντο τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἃ δὴ σεβόμενοι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ τηρεῖν ἀξιοῦσιν. [18] ἔκ τε γὰρ τῶν καταλόγων ἐς τόδε τοῦ χρόνου δηλοῦνται ἐς οὓς τὸ παλαιὸν τασσόμενοι ἐστρατεύοντο, καὶ σημεῖα τὰ σφέτερα ἐπαγόμενοι οὕτω δὴ ἐς μάχην καθίστανται, νόμοις τε τοῖς πατρίοις ἐς ἀεὶ χρῶνται. [19] καὶ σχῆμα τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι κἀν τοῖς ὑποδήμασι διασώζουσιν. [20] Ἕως μὲν οὖν πολιτεία Ῥωμαίοις ἡ αὐτὴ ἔμενε, Γαλλίας τὰ ἐντὸς Ῥοδανοῦ ποταμοῦ βασιλεὺς εἶχεν: ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὴν Ὀδόακρος ἐς τυραννίδα μετέβαλε, τότε δή, τοῦ τυράννου σφίσιν ἐνδιδόντος, ξύμπασαν Γαλλίαν Οὐισίγοτθοι ἔσχον μέχρι Ἄλπεων αἳ τὰ Γάλλων τε ὅρια καὶ Λιγούρων διορίζουσι. [21] πεσόντος δὲ Ὀδοάκρου Θόριγγοί τε καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι τὴν Γερμανῶν δύναμιν ἤδη αὐξομένην δειμαίνοντες ῾πολυάνθρωπός τε γὰρ ἰσχυρότατα ἐγεγόνει καὶ τοὺς ἀεὶ ἐν ποσὶν ὄντας ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς ἐβιάζετὀ Γότθων δὴ καὶ Θευδερίχου τὴν ξυμμαχίαν προσποιήσασθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον. οὓς δὴ ἑταιρίσασθαι Θευδέριχος ἐθέλων ἐς κῆδος αὐτοῖς ἐπιμίγνυσθαι οὐκ ἀπηξίου. [22] τῷ μὲν οὖν τηνικαῦτα Οὐισιγότθων ἡγουμένῳ Ἀλαρίχῳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ Θευδιχοῦσαν τὴν αὑτοῦ θυγατέρα παρθένον ἠγγύησεν, Ἑρμενεφρίδῳ δὲ τῷ Θορίγγων ἄρχοντι Ἀμαλαβέργαν τὴν Ἀμαλαφρίδης τῆς ἀδελφῆς παῖδα. [23] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ Φράγγοι τῆς μὲν ἐς αὐτοὺς βίας δέει τῷ Θευδερίχου ἀπέσχοντο, [24] ἐπὶ Βουργουζίωνας δὲ πολέμῳ ᾔεσαν. ὕστερον δὲ Φράγγοις τε καὶ Γότθοις ξυμμαχίαι τε καὶ ξυνθῆκαι ἐπὶ κακῷ τῷ Βουργουζιώνων ἐγένοντο, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἑκάτεροι μὲν στρατιὰν ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς πέμψωσιν: [25] ἢν δὲ ὁποτέρων ἀπολελειμμένων, οἱ ἕτεροι στρατεύσαντες τὸ Βουργουζιώνων καταστρέψωνται γένος καὶ χώραν ἣν ἔχουσι παραστήσωνται, ποινὴν οἱ νενικηκότες παρὰ τῶν οὐ ξυστρατευσάντων ῥητόν τι χρυσίον κομίζωνται, κοινὴν δὲ καὶ οὕτω χώραν τὴν δορυάλωτον ἀμφοτέρων εἶναι. [26] οἱ μὲν οὖν Γερμανοὶ πολλῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Βουργουζίωνας κατὰ τὰ σφίσι τε καὶ Γότθοις ξυγκείμενα ἧκον, Θευδέριχος δὲ παρεσκευάζετο μὲν δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ, ἐξεπίτηδες δὲ ἀεὶ ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν τῆς στρατιᾶς τὴν ἔξοδον ἀπετίθετο, καραδοκῶν τὰ ἐσόμενα. [27] μόλις δὲ πέμψας ἐπέστελλε τοῖς τοῦ στρατοῦ ἄρχουσι σχολαίτερον τὴν πορείαν ποιεῖσθα
ι, καὶ ἢν μὲν Φράγγους νενικηκέναι ἀκούσωσι τὸ λοιπὸν κατὰ τάχος ἰέναι, ἢν δέ τι ξύμβαμα ξυμπεπτωκέναι αὐτοῖς πύθωνται, μηκέτι περαιτέρω πορεύεσθαι, ἀλλ̓ αὐτοῦ μένειν. [28] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐποίουν ὅσα Θευδέριχος σφίσιν ἐπήγγελλε, Γερμανοὶ δὲ κατὰ μόνας Βουργουζίωσιν ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον. [29] μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης φόνος μὲν ἑκατέρων πολὺς γίνεται: ἦν γὰρ ἀγχώμαλος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἡ ξυμβολή: [30] ἔπειτα δὲ Φράγγοι τρεψάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς τὰ ἔσχατα χώρας ἧς τότε ᾤκουν ἐξήλασαν, ἔνθα σφίσι πολλὰ ὀχυρώματα ἦν, [31] αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν ξύμπασαν ἔσχον. ἅπερ Γότθοι ἀκούσαντες κατὰ τάχος παρῆσαν. κακιζόμενοί τε πρὸς τῶν ξυμμάχων τὸ τῆς χώρας δύσοδον ᾐτιῶντο, καὶ τὴν ποινὴν καταθέμενοι τὴν χώραν, καθάπερ ξυνέκειτο, ξὺν τοῖς νενικηκόσιν ἐνείμαντο. [32] οὕτω τε Θευδερίχου ἡ πρόνοια ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγνώσθη, ὅς γε οὐδένα τῶν ὑπηκόων ἀποβαλὼν ὀλίγῳ χρυσῷ τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῶν πολεμίων ἐκτήσατο χώραν. οὕτω μὲν τὸ κατ̓ ἀρχὰς Γότθοι τε καὶ Γερμανοὶ μοῖράν τινα Γαλλίας ἔσχον. [33] Μετὰ δὲ Γερμανοὶ τῆς δυνάμεως σφίσιν ἐπίπροσθεν ἰούσης ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ ποιησάμενοι Θευδέριχόν τε καὶ τὸ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ δέος ἐπί τε Ἀλάριχον καὶ Οὐισιγότθους ἐστράτευσαν. [34] ἃ δὴ Ἀλάριχος μαθὼν Θευδέριχον ὅτι τάχιστα μετεπέμπετο. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐς τὴν ἐπικουρίαν στρατῷ πολλῷ ᾔει. [35] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Οὐισίγοτθοι, ἐπεὶ Γερμανοὺς ἀμφὶ πόλιν Καρκασιανὴν στρατοπεδεύειν ἐπύθοντο, ὑπηντίαζόν τε καὶ στρατόπεδον ποιησάμενοι ἠρέμουν. [36] χρόνου δὲ σφίσιν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ προσεδρείᾳ τριβομένου συχνοῦ ἤσχαλλόν τε καί, ἅτε τῆς χώρας πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ληιζομένης, δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο. [37] καὶ τελευτῶντες ἐς Ἀλάριχον πολλὰ ὕβριζον, αὐτόν τε διὰ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων δέος κακίζοντες καὶ τοῦ κηδεστοῦ τὴν μέλλησιν ὀνειδίζοντες. [38] ἀξιόμαχοι γὰρ αὐτοὶ ἰσχυρίζοντο εἶναι καὶ ῥᾷον κατὰ μόνας περιέσεσθαι Γερμανῶν τῷ πολέμῳ. [39] διὸ δὴ καὶ Γότθων σφίσιν οὔπω παρόντων Ἀλάριχος ἠνάγκαστο τοῖς πολεμίοις διὰ μάχης ἰέναι. [40] καθυπέρτεροι δὲ Γερμανοὶ ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ ταύτῃ γενόμενοι τῶν τε Οὐισιγότθων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ Ἀλάριχον τὸν ἄρχοντα κτείνουσι. [41] καὶ Γαλλίας μὲν καταλαβόντες τὰ πολλὰ ἔσχον, Καρκασιανὴν δὲ πολλῇ σπουδῇ ἐπολιόρκουν, ἐπεὶ τὸν βασιλικὸν πλοῦτον ἐνταῦθα ἐπύθοντο εἶναι, ὃν δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις Ἀλάριχος ὁ πρεσβύτατος Ῥώμην ἑλὼν ἐληίσατο. [42] ἐν τοῖς ἦν καὶ τὰ Σολόμωνος τοῦ Ἑβραίων βασιλέως κειμήλια, ἀξιοθέατα ἐς ἄγαν ὄντα. πρασία γὰρ λίθος αὐτῶν τὰ πολλὰ ἐκαλλώπιζεν, ἅπερ ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ παλαιὸν εἷλον. [43] Οὐισιγότθων δὲ οἱ περιόντες Γισέλιχον, νόθον Ἀλαρίχου υἱόν, ἄρχοντα σφίσιν ἀνεῖπον, Ἀμαλαρίχου τοῦ τῆς Θευδερίχου θυγατρὸς παιδὸς ἔτι κομιδῆ ὄντος. [44] ἔπειτα δὲ Θευδερίχου ξὺν τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ ἥκοντος δείσαντες Γερμανοὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν διέλυσαν. [45] ἔνθεν τε ἀναχωρήσαντες Γαλλίας τὰ ἐκτὸς Ῥοδανοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐς ὠκεανὸν τετραμμένα ἔσχον. ὅθεν αὐτοὺς ἐξελάσαι Θευδέριχος οὐχ οἷός τε ὢν ταῦτα μὲν σφᾶς ξυνεχώρει ἔχειν, αὐτὸς δὲ Γαλλίας τὰ λοιπὰ ἀνεσώσατο. [46] Γισελίχου τε ἐκποδὼν γενομένου ἐς τὸν θυγατριδοῦν Ἀμαλάριχον τὴν Οὐισιγότθων ἀρχὴν ἤνεγκεν, οὗ δὴ αὐτὸς ἐπετρόπευε παιδὸς ἔτι ὄντος. [47] χρήματά τε λαβὼν ξύμπαντα ὅσα ἐν πόλει Καρκασιανῇ ἔκειτο ἐς Ῥάβενναν κατὰ τάχος ἀπήλαυνεν, ἄρχοντάς τε ἀεὶ καὶ στρατιὰν Θευδέριχος ἔς τε Γαλλίαν καὶ Ἱσπανίαν πέμπων αὐτὸς εἶχε τῷ ἔργῳ τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς κράτος προνοήσας τε ὅπως βέβαιον αὐτὸ ἐς ἀεὶ ἕξει φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔταξέν οἱ αὐτῷ ἀποφέρειν τοὺς ταύτῃ ἄρχοντας. [48] δεχόμενός τε αὐτὴν ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος, τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν φιλοχρημάτως ἔχειν, τῷ Γότθων τε καὶ Οὐισιγότθων στρατῷ δῶρον ἐπέτειον ἔπεμπε. [49] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ Γότθοι τε καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου ἅτε ἀρχόμενοί τε πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἑνὸς καὶ χώραν τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντες παῖδας τοὺς σφετέρους ἀλλήλοις ἐγγυῶντες ἐς ξυγγένειαν ἐπεμίγνυντο. [50] Μετὰ δὲ Θεῦδις, Γότθος ἀνήρ, ὅνπερ Θευδέριχος τῷ στρατῷ ἄρχοντα ἔπεμψε, γυναῖκα ἐξ Ἱσπανίας γαμετὴν ἐποιήσατο, οὐ γένους μέντοι Οὐισιγότθων, ἀλλ̓ ἐξ οἰκίας τῶν τινος ἐπιχωρίων εὐδαίμονος, ἄλλα τε περιβεβλημένην μεγάλα χρήματα καὶ χώρας πολλῆς ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ κυρίαν οὖσαν. [51] ὅθεν στρατιώτας ἀμφὶ δισχιλίους ἀγείρας δορυφόρων τε περιβαλλόμενος δύναμιν, Γότθων μὲν Θευδερίχου δόντος τῷ λόγῳ ἦρχεν, ἔργῳ δὲ τύραννος οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἦν. [52] δείσας δὲ Θευδέριχος ἅτε ξυνέσεως ἐς ἄκρον καὶ ἐμπειρίας ἥκων, μή οἱ πόλεμον πρὸς δοῦλον τὸν αὑτοῦ διαφέροντι οἱ Φράγγοι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀπαντήσουσιν ἢ καί τι νεώτερον Οὐισίγοτθοι ἐς αὐτὸν δράσουσιν, οὔτε παρέλυε τῆς ἀρχῆς Θεῦδιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἀεὶ ἐς πόλεμον ἰόντι ἐκέλευε. [53] γράφειν μέντοι αὐτῷ Γότθων τοῖς πρώτοις ἐπήγγειλεν ὡς δίκαιά τε ποιοίη καὶ ξυνέσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ ἄξια, ἢν Θευδέριχον ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἥκων ἀσπάζοιτο. [54] Θεῦδις δὲ ἃ μὲν Θευδέριχος ἐκέλευεν ἅπαντα ἐπετέλει, καὶ φόρον τὸν ἐπέτειον οὔποτε ἀποφέρων ἀνίει, ἐς Ῥάβενναν δὲ ἰέναι οὔτε ἤθελεν οὔτε τοῖς γράφουσιν ἐπηγγέλλετο.